It was considered tactless to point out that in the decades before Brexit, it too was traditionally more associated with Germany than with the UK.
How Brexit turned the UK German | Nesta
All this was, of course, helped by the international situation. The surprising - though in retrospect, grimly inevitable - election of Marine Le Pen as President of France threw the EU into confusion, and made it easier to conclude a long-lasting transitional trade agreement with what remained of the EU.
Industry breathed a sigh of relief that the complex European supply chains they relied on could go on indefinitely, and the date that the transition would end was elegantly fudged by all concerned. The British government embraced its liberal tradition as a way of attracting highly skilled migrants to keep the economy ticking, both from the increasingly illiberal United States and from France.
Britain and Germany, having seemed on a collision course at the end of , found increasing common ground, striking accords on joint defence, trade and diplomacy.
For many of the politicians who supported Brexit, it was never meant to be this way. For some Brexiteers, Germany exemplified everything they loathed about the EU. But in the end, Brexit brought Britain closer to Germany, economically, politically and constitutionally, and Britain ended up the better for it. Matthew Hull predicts that hyper-realistic mock meat will start to grace our dinner tables in Get our weekly newsletter and tailor your updates on our programmes, events and research.
Industrial revival The timing turned out to be fortuitous. Most countries in the world have political systems and local politics with majority male representation, but this imbalance results in a democratic deficit.
"devolution (from, to)" in German
Women make up just 33 per cent of local councillors in England, 27 per cent in Wales and 24 per cent in Scotland. The picture is worse when we focus on local leadership: just 15 per cent of local authority leaders in England are women. These figures demonstrate significant under-representation of women in local government. This is important because women are disproportionately affected by services under local government control, such as social care and childcare, but also because local government is and should be a key talent pipeline for regional and national government.
Representation of women in local government
As the UK devolves power to the regions, it is vital that we ensure any new democratic institutions and systems set up promote gender equality rather than restrict it. While many other countries are grappling with similar issues, there is a lack of evidence of what works in improving representation of women in local politics. Initiatives include the Helene Weber Kolleg, which supports women interested in running for office as well as those looking to progress with training and cross-party mentoring.
Initiatives include voluntary quotas within parties. The party with the longest-standing and highest quota the Green Party has Initiatives include electoral systems which vary by state that have been shown to lead to better representation of women — such as proportional representation with fixed-party lists and multi-member districts. Clear from our research is that parties are the gatekeepers of power in both the UK and Germany; their structures, selection procedures, programmes and cultures are key in determining and improving gender representation.
Also clear is that while policies such as quotas can accelerate progress towards equal gender representation, they alone are not enough to reach full gender equality numerically and qualitatively. Both interventions that seek to broaden the pool of candidates and support them in their political journey, as well as interventions that seek to break down prejudiced structures and cultures, are necessary to achieve this.
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Drawing lessons from the UK, German political parties may be interested in exploring voluntary all-women shortlists at the local and regional levels. Mandatory reporting of gender representation in local and regional government would draw attention to the lack of representation of women at these levels, and focus activity in this space by parties.
Rankings can help create competition between areas and parties to demonstrate that they reflect and represent the electorate in a low-cost way.
The introduction of quotas by German parties in the 80s led to a large shift in female representation which has not been replicated with the use of empowerment programmes in later years. While the Labour Party in the UK uses a form of quotas, other parties have weak gender requirements and are lagging behind.
SHINJUKU THIEF – DEVOLUTION – CD
Greater use of quotas could dramatically accelerate the representation of women at the local level. All parties, including Labour, should review their own quota rules and seek to improve and enforce how they are implemented. There is a risk the UK will fall behind other European countries in institutional support for gender equality in local decision-making if steps are not taken. The UK has some programmes to encourage women into and support women in local politics, but they are either in the fledgling stage, or are not as comprehensive, open to all political denominations or institutionalised as the German equivalents.
UK groups should observe the experience of German initiatives and transfer learning to improve their own programmes.