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e-book Destino caprichoso/Rumores (Pasión) (Spanish Edition)

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Minpar asks for a Data Directory - where would I find this? What should I be doing to make one or both of these work? Cc: Gate-Discuss Uk Subject: Re: So where is the executable? So where is the executable? Lopez op Parker an Thanks for your help. Cc: gate-discuss Thanks for the response. We'll try your suggestions. I didn't want to build a large training set that would take a great deal of time to train just to find out that I had something misconfigured.

Look at the Appendix in the manual to find an example of a more complete definition, e. We can train the ML classifier against a single document using annotations created by hand to look for companies, and extract the model output by the ML component. When we run the ML component on a new version of the document saved in a different corpus, the document doesn't have any tags. Perhaps not. Any help you could provide would be helpful. Created annotations for companies found in the document.

Added the document to the ML configuration. Completed without error. Saved the model created from the ML component to a file. It was given a different name. Changed the training parameter in the ML component to false. Thanks Ian, Yes I am using the nightly snapshot and I have check and re-check and I have correctly update my plugins and libs Can it be because of something else? GATE home system property "gate. Attempting to guess If this is not correct please set it manually using the -Dgate. Create serial controller adding processing resource: gate.

AnnotationDeletePR adding processing resource: gate. DefaultTokeniser adding processing resource: gate. SentenceSplitter adding processing resource: gate. POSTagger adding processing resource: gate. ExecutionException at gate. Caused by: gate. That makes sense!

Any idea why? This error generally means that the creole. If you update your bin and lib directories from the nightly snapshot you will have to replace your plugins directory as well, as some of the creole. Hopefully, just one of my last questions I do get the following error in the last line of the code I am including at the end of this email. Or do you have any code sample to use with gate 3?

Many Many Thank you!!! DefaultTokeniser", "gate. POSTagger", "gate. SerialAnalyserController", Factory. My friend and I are trying to make the machine learning component in Gate work. I don't think I ever considered that such a scenario is possible and so the context to be analysed is not being built correctly of course certain postconditions are missing, since this is should not be propagated that far as a NPE a quick fix could be to modify Quote::getAntecedentCandidates, so that if the annotation set being returned is indeed null a rare situation that should be handled in another place , you indeed return an empty AnnotationSet e.

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When you must choose a new path, do not bring old experiences with you. Those who strike out afresh, but who attempt to retain a little of the old life, end up torn apart by their own memories. Thank you! If you can use a recent nightly build rather than the 3.

All I can suggest is to experiment. You'll definitely need xerces, jasper-compiler-jdt and probably ontotext and junit, but apart from that, just try it and keep adding libraries until you stop getting exceptions Thanks a lot but I am trying to avoid to use the -Dgate. I just want to import the libraries I need for my code and the plugins directory and the gate. Does anybody knows in which gate library is the following class: java. Thanks a lot!! Hoby vanessa wrote : Hello! With GATE 2. I was just importing the libraries? GateRuntimeException: Could not infer installed plug-ins home!

Please set it manually using the -Dgate. Do I need to have gate install or can I still use only the libraries as before and maybe to copy as well the plug-in directories? What happen then with the GATE home? I am also not sure how my code has to be change. For instance, before I was using the gate. VPChunker that now it is under the plugin? AnnotationDeletePR", "gate. SentenceSplitter", "gate. Sorry for such a long question and any help is very appreciated, thanks a lot!!!

This trace is not too useful. Even if you can't locate the problematic document, the exact line number will provide some clue about the nature of the problem and the reason for the NPE will probably be easily tracked best, Marin " Hello, I got the following exception when using the coref algorithm: gate. Thanks, Horacio. Is prolog required or something? We've added Windows support for Minipar recently. If you download the latest nightly build it should be there and we'll shortly be making release 3.

Greenwood dc That should tell you whether it's working or not. Hi Iain Glad you sorted the problem.

You can either spend a little bit of time improving the rules to suit your needs not too hard if you can handle a bit of JAPE , or try something a bit more refined such as one of the full parsers. Thank you for your help. It turns out I simply did not understand how to use the tool. I was using the UI. What I had not done was to select the processing module in the application definition. I'm sure it tells me to do that in the docs, but I missed it!

My immediate observation is that the quality is fair but not great. My sample is the Bin Laden quote at the start of chapter 7 of the user guide. Similarly, 'neither' is marked as a chunk and 'the personification of evil' is marked as two as is 'arms control treaties'. What can be done to improve this? If there are no NPs there, then you're probably doing something wrong. Irene te adoro, sabes que me siento otro cuando me envuelve tu aconsejaba, en vista de la resolucion dada al asunto de la ense- mirada, cuando sorprendo en ella una centella de amor.

Le emborrachariamos para sacarle redondos. En el centro de cada mesa, segun el uso del estable- algunos secretos. Lumpid de chino hecho de que nos contemplan y las paredes oyen.

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En efecto, grupos de curiosos estacionab:an delante de las — Que se ofrece al P. Todos repitieron en coro : torta de frailes! Todos un cuello de gallina. Sandoval en lucha con una recalcitrante ala de gallina. Frailes, frailes y frailes! Que venga el tercer plato, la torta de frailes! Obreros incansables, mejoran y — Bravo, bravo! Basta de discursos! Despues complicados. Era el coche de Simoun. Quiso - -. Todo lo que pudo saber era que se encontraron. Pronosti- caban futuros suspensos, prisiones etc.

Y se frotaba las manos de contento. Yo nada tengo que ver, contestaba los haya escrito, ha obrado bien, debemos darle las gracias y nerviosamente; yo les estuve diciendo : esas son quijoterias Dos guardias de la Veterana se le adelantaron pregun- despues! Ten cuidado, sabes? Pero, como estudiante filipino, no me. Los espresarse libremente en mi clase? Fer- P. Impi- nosotros los estudiantes filipinos? Escati- hacen el muro, como dicen en la esgrima. No hay moralidad, dice usted, sea! O ustedes que hace.

Celos funestos de la incapacidad! Esto es no querrer que el tarde. Creen ustedes que no pensamos — Ah no, P. Lo que somos, ustedes lo han hecho. El gobierno manda, y quien manda, manda, y car- - -. Lo que he querido los estudiantes de los frailes Empiezen ustedes por pedir algo que no cueste tan- noble, tan altivo y tan hildago? Estuvo El P. Fernandez, sintiendo que sus hombre en su evolucion?

Fernandez se equivocaba de medio en medio; los jesui-.


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Irene, comisionado por el P. Si no segundo. Tal proeza. Por eso Lo he oido en la — Ay! Siguro pusilau! Por eso pala el chino Quiroga A las ocho de la — Ejem, ejem, ejjjem! Todos rodearon los recien llegados preguntando por novedades. Aquella noche los guardias de las puertas de la ciudad — Estaos alerta! Como le vea Pero se comprende. Irene que Cpn. La muerte de Capitan Tiago y la prision de Basilio se Cpn. Los timoratos y pesimistas no se antiguos conocidos y amigos, se comentaba mucho un milagro. El sacristan mayor que guaba!

Merecido lo tiene! Se citaban, Y de todo mal. Pero el P. Aquello nado durante el viaje. Como si el agua bendita pudiese trasmitir enfermedades! Camorra, el cura! Camorra, y el P. Ball, como siempre, tuvo la mejor idea. En la calle, la darse con la tapa de venado. Es menester que vaya Juli. Camorra, en el caso de que lo quisiese — por ser mala hija. Camorra, se burlaban de sus temores. Y las buenas mujeres citaban - -. La luz le trajo esperanzas. En su desesperacion conducir. Despues, pero mucho despues, al caer la tarde, un anciano el dedo.

El viejo llamaba. Hermana Ball. A la noche se comentaban en voz baja y con mucho misterio laspagne et ta vertu, l'Espagne et sa grandour varios acontecimientos que tuvieron lugar aquella tarde. Y — Pobre P. La autoridad ante todo. No hay quien le reclama.. Y aunque dispusiera de medios, - -. Noso- baja. Si usted no com-. Oh, no haga V. Ben Zayb' en impreso, mientras que de boca indagaba si era Era cierto, en efecto, que Paulita se casaba con Juanito Pelaez. Se susurraba, es cierto, de todos sus atractivos. Juanito dentro de muy poco. La ley descubierta — Es posible, solo que como no tengo casa Se derri- estrangeros.

A fines de Abril, olvidados ya todos los temores, Manila solo - -. El casamiento en seguida. Parecia algo. Los golpes tuvieron que repetirse. Simoun se estre- prender al pueblo filipino con una sentida despedida. Si el cambio operado de no ser de los convidados. Se disputaban la buena amistad en Simoun durante los dos meses era grande, en el joven de Simoun, y muchos maridos, obligados por sus esposas, com- estudiante era espantoso.

Su fabulosa riqueza me ha castigado! Los pesimistas desgraciados! Algo tarde abre usted sus ojos! Entre comprimidos, injusticias y agravios! Pero ninguna inteligencia me ha cuya podredumbre he apresurado! Pero no importa! Por primera vez Basilio - -. Es menester renovar la raza! Tiembla, teme sembrar la muerte?

Al oirse el estallido, los miserables, los femeniles preocupaciones! A las nueve debe. Era justificar sus actos y el hombre nunca! Simoun hablaba de fiesta. Y viendo que en efecto era ella, en traje de novia, con prestigio. A Isagani padrino de su hijo! Mia que paese un estrellas. Felicitaciones, apretones de manos, palma-. Los grandes dioses, iba descender de tan elevada altura. Irene y el P. Estaba inquieto, porvenir! No, la delicadeza ante todo. Man- y hasta ensayaba sonrisas. Se oyeron pitadas, galopar de caballos, al fin! Pues se llevan todo.

Irene, ambos muy contentos, y como nube pasagera, se La gravedad de S. Bastante hemos sufrido! Pero baja y corno reflexionando. Alea jacta est. Mientras estas cortas escenas pasaban en la calle, en el come- misma dolorosa sonrisa en los labios! Es la luz de la muerte! En aquel momento brazcs como si le faltasen las fuerzas. Al ladron! El desmayo del P. Despues y para formar contraste, la pintura del ladron: miedo, locura, azoramiento, torva mirada, facciones desenca-. Y pensar que dentro de un mes tas, pistolas Irene y los negros, good for negroes, con la diferencia de que si los al P.

Mas, la noticia de la desaparicion del joyero lirismos castelarinos. Los que fueron iniciados no acababan de salir de su asombro,. Lo principal para Ben Zayb era dos palmas de la mano, palabras misteriosas. Fortuna que ninguno de los trabajadores. Los numerosos amigos de emocion. Isagani escuchaba sombrio y silencioso lo que el platero Chichoy contaba. La Guardia Civil le busca. Isagani escuchaba atento, sin decir una palabra. Dicen que un desconocido — Simoun!!! Uno de la Mano Negra? Hubieran muerto todos Su banda tan pronto torno de la cabeza. Quemaba bros, flotar luces en el espacio, manchas rojas en el aire.

Los presos cayeron de rodillas, llenos de consternacion. Saltaban — Ah!. Un movimiento se produjo en la espesura corno si los que En efecto, el anciano estaba muy triste. Su buen amigo, don la ocupaban se dispersasen en todas direcciones. Otro cucion de su mujer. Ninguna duda abrigaba el P.

El joyero solo aceptaba los cuidados de don Tiburcio el P. Florentino lo olvidaba todo y solo se acordaba del estado y aun con marcada desconfianza. La desierta superficie, sin un barco, sin una mento hecho de anchas tablas brillantes y pulidas, ameublado vela, nada le sugeria. Vanidad de vanidades y todo vanidad! Mano misteriosa le El P. No debo caer vivo en manos de nadie Usted que tanto cree en Dios Era ya de noche cuando el P.

Florentino, que me diga si hay un Dios! No pierda usted tiempo! Simoun, dijo; sabe. No, Dios que es la en cuyo seno se desarrollan. Tal amo, tal esclavo. Es el Dios de libertad,. Pura y sin mera aurora! En tanto, mientras nes? Estaba solo. La soli- horas, sus ilusiones y entusiasmo al bien de su patria? El bosque mur- muraba voces ininteligibles. Read Free For 30 Days. Jose Rizal, being the contemporary of Tagore, Sun-Yat-sen, and Gandhi the Four Great Asians, is among those who awaken the spirit of nationalism in asia.

Through his first novel, Noli Me Tangere, he had deeply awaken to the spirit of nationalism in his country. It is thus was henced considered as the very first political novel in asia that shows resistant to the western powers. The following is a novel written in Spanish Language, the language which Rizal originaly used in his novel which arises the spirit of Nationalism to the Filipinos.

However, Even if the novel, itself, was written from Rizal's time Flag for inappropriate content. Related titles.

Table of contents

Discurso de ingreso a la Academia Mexicana de la Lengua. Jump to Page. Search inside document. Sibyla y al — 79 — en el vapor por poco nos pegamos de cachetes : porque es bas- P. El gobierno manda, y quien manda, manda, y car- - - — Sea! Related Interests Nature. Dario De Maio. Miguel Ledesma. Charles Engels. Leandro Lusardi. Paula Laverde Austin.

Mariola Campelo. These and other renowned Liberals were spokespeople for growing nationalist sentiments, seeking from Spain either administrative autonomy or independence for Puerto Rico. Their views clashed with the ubiquitous Spanish censorship and with the slow development of institutions and infrastructure imposed by the colonial state and the Catholic Church. They began to feel themselves "different" from their European counterparts, possibly an indication of growing nationalist sentiment or national awareness.

Gordon K. Lewis, in Main Currents in Caribbean Thought, explains that in the Caribbean, as elsewhere, the development of nationalism and of nationalist sentiment is a closely interrelated "twin process" that moves from cultural nationalism to political nationalism. According to Lewis, the growth of a cultural nationalism, understood as "congeries of feelings, beliefs, sentiments, in a given body of people that gives them a sense of distinctiveness" comes first, and will 7 The Catholic faith was the official religion in the island since the very beginnings of the colonization until when, under the United States annexation, freedom of religion was bestowed.

During the Spanish rule, though, there was no separation of church and state and the Catholic authorities exercised fairly comprehensive power over every aspect of Puerto Rican life. Lewis argues that nation-states, organized under the infrastructure of a government which exercises sovereign power, adopt symbols or what he calls "nationalistic paraphernalia" like a flag, an anthem, certain colours, and so forth, to give the people a unique sense of self-identity: The history of the Caribbean up to is in large measure the history of those twin developments [cultural nationalism and political nationalism].

Yet they were both made more complicated and more difficult by the manner in which they were interfered with by the twin epiphenomena of slavery and colonialism; so that there is little in their story of the straightforward, linear character of, say, European nationalism. Colonialism generated in the Caribbean mentality a divisive loyalty to the metropolitan culture that explains the historical tardiness of the final arrival of national independence.

It was a unilateral process of cultural nationalism, which did not move towards a consensus for independence. There was a series of distinctive factors at play before and during the nineteenth century, which moved this process in a different direction. Colonialism generated a divisive loyalty toward Spain which was accentuated by waves of loyal immigrants and the indiscriminate exploitation of human labour.

These discordant divisions between native-born Puerto Ricans, immigrants, and Spaniards generated internal conflicts regarding allegiance or anti-colonial positions that produced a social hierarchy strongly guided by class and race biases. Waves of immigrants flooded into the island, causing a collision of cultures, but they soon became accommodated in intermediate places within the commercial trade or in the smuggling of goods, as well as in the administration of farms owned by the powerful Spanish landowners. This created a racial and social hierarchy within the plantation regime and in the urban areas that came to define the two main cultural impulses in the island: the Creole elite and the popular working class.

Hence, economic factors were decisive during this period and directly affected the decisions of the Spanish and Creole elite. The economy of Puerto Rico, mainly agrarian, provided a wealthy and stable source of income for Spain. In , the Spanish politician Segismundo Moret Prendergast declared at the Cortes de Cadiz: "Si las cuarenta y nueve provincias de Espana pagasen en la misma proportion que Puerto Rico, todavia tendrian que pagar mas de los 3, millones de reales que pagan. However this prosperity was not enjoyed by the local people, composed mostly of jornaleros and enslaved peoples who lived in extreme poverty.

Those who benefited from the riches produced by the coffee, sugar, and tobacco plantations were the Spanish hacendados and merchants, always in a Gonzalez remarks that during the second half of the nineteenth century the Treasury of. Puerto Rico received the highest income ever reached by any colony. The funds were used to finance the Spanish war against the Moroccan Empire in ; the war to regain Santo Domingo from France in ; and in the government of Madrid decreed that the public debt of Spain could be paid from the Cuban and Puerto Rican Treasuries Literatura y sociedad Felix V.

Matos Rodriguez in Women in San Juan offers a detailed description of the vertical socioeconomic division that existed on the island. Positioned at the top of the hierarchy were the Spanish officials, the military forces, and the higher clergy. Next on the scale were Spanish landowners and merchants, including a few Creoles and new immigrants. The nascent professional and intellectual class followed, mostly the sons of the merchant and landed countrymen who were able to study in Europe or the United States.

In the growing urban centres there emerged a lower middle-class composed of peddlers, small retail merchants, teachers, clerks, couturiers, seamstresses, and a wide range of tradesmen, such as carpenters, bricklayers, shoemakers, and the like. At the base of this pyramid were the rural free population and the enslaved masses. The role women played within this social hierarchy is noteworthy. The growing cities of San Juan and Ponce also contributed to the increase in prostitution, either through women working individually or managed in bordellos.

Although not officially recorded, prostitution became a main source of income for women in the urban centres. This latter sector of society was notably apathetic to the political status of the island, since a change in the nature of their "masters" would not change an existence marked by misery and exploitation. However, the political apathy of the lower classes is misleading, since they were the first to develop nationalist sentiments well before the nineteenth century.

Creole Blacks, Mulattoes, and Mountain People In spite of their rapid and fairly comprehensive extermination, the original indigenous population, the Tainos, left their cultural imprint on Borinquen the indigenous name of Puerto Rico and participated in the process of miscegenation with both Spanish and African peoples. This sector of the population, called jibaros, comprised a free independent rural 1 0 In Imposing Decency, Eileen Findlay provides detailed information on the history of prostitution in the late nineteenth century in Ponce, the second most important city and port after San Juan They had a reputation for being very jealous of their freedom and independence.

Because of their free spirit and attachment to the wild lands, but above all because they were perceived as racially white, the jibaro was adopted as the national symbol of "puertorriquenidad" in late nineteenth-century Creole literature. The large, free peasantry outnumbered African slaves, and the landowners were faced with a lack of labour force, particularly in the first quarter of the nineteenth century.

In , the administration of Governor Miguel Lopez de Bahos revised the instituted "matricula de los jornaleros"—which included all men who did not own lands—to ensure that the free peasant class that was dispersed throughout the country entered into the labour force of the hacienda economy Pico, Al filo delpoder Lopez de Bahos took additional measures to better control the dispersed jornaleros. Bergad comments on the confusion generated by the classification of nineteenth-century rural social types in Puerto Rico. Commonly, the jibaro represents the independent peasant, the agregados are resident peons, and the jornaleros are landless day labourers.

However, as Bergad points out, these three categories are not static but dynamic and often overlap, for example, jibaro could include the other two Later, in , Governor Juan de la Pezuela officially instituted the Libreta regime in order to make the labour control system more effective than it was. The jornalero's Libreta contained annotations, observations, and the signature of the employer-landlord regarding the jornalero''s behaviour. The jornalero was obliged to carry with him his Libreta at all times, and to submit it regularly for inspection to the authorities.

In nineteenth-century Puerto Rican fiction, allusions to the Libreta system echoed this unfair method of forced labour and control, as it is illustrated in Salvador Brau's novel iPecadora? The omission of the African element in the nineteenth-century national cultural discourse as in the novels of Manuel Zeno Gandia and Salvador Brau has become a commonplace discussion in history, cultural studies, and literary criticism since the late s. One of the first Puerto Rican scholars to examine and emphasize the importance of the African component in Puerto Rican culture was Jose Luis Gonzalez in his influential and highly debated essay El pais de cuatro pisos.

The relevant point of Gonzalez's essay was to acknowledge the value of the African cultural component in the growth of nationalist sentiments in the island. As a general rule, poor white immigrants were endowed with lands, slaves, and agregados by the Spanish government and soon adopted the air of aristocrats and became impious landowners Gonzalez, El pais Most of the Spanish population who immigrated to the island before the nineteenth century did not see it as their permanent home, but rather as a springboard to the mainland in their search for riches. Many Spanish immigrants were in constant flux and moved by ambition and profit rather than a presumed love for the island.

Often, the Spaniards remained loyal to Spain, to which they wanted to return wealthy and successful. As a result, they did not develop national sentiments toward the island. On the contrary, the population of African descent—blacks and mulattoes—did not have the opportunity to go back to Africa nor to emigrate from Puerto Rico, so they were forced to remain on the island and saw it as their permanent home. That is why for Gonzalez the "first genuine Puerto Ricans" to develop nationalist sentiments toward the island were the Creole blacks and mulattoes.

For example, Juan Manuel Carrion in his article "Etnia, raza y la nacionalidad puertorriquefia" examines the relevance of the Hispanic conceptions in the nationalist imaginary of Pedro Albizu Campos—a political leader who played a key role during the complex political process of the ss.

Carrion believes that Gonzalez exaggerates the importance of the African cultural legacy to the detriment of the Hispanic heritage, which for many is the marrow of Puerto Rican culture. Carrion, however, appears to underplay Gonzalez's recognition of the important role that Creole Hispanics, such as Alejandro Tapia y Rivera and Salvador Brau, played in the cultural and national formation of Puerto Rico. The peasantry formed a free, independent rural class that lived fairly isolated in the remote central mountain range, seeing Borinquen as their only and genuine home.

Their independent spirit and their connection to the land—in addition to their identification with whiteness in the minds of the Creole Hispanic elite—made the jibaro, and not the black, the national symbol of Puerto Rican Creole literature. Nowadays the Afro-Antillian contribution to the culture of Puerto Rico, and of the Caribbean in general, is acknowledged as one of the most influential components of Caribbean cultural heterogeneity. The African cultural heritage, though, remained for centuries marginalized by the Spanish and white Creole elite.

Despite the fact that Puerto Rican blacks comprised the majority of the population, their presence was overtly omitted or despised in most nineteenth-century writing. Why did Puerto Rican intellectuals fix their gaze on the mountain peasant population and tightly close it to the African majority? Isabelo Zenon Cruz in his critical essay Narciso descubre su trasero demonstrates, with an extensive historical body of citations, the roots of the discrimination against the African heritage and of its eventual vindication in the official history.

The "black stain" was a shameful insult that haunted Puerto Ricans' racial heritage for centuries. Having black blood was immediately associated with the institutionalized system of slavery and its consequent moral degradation. The powerful methods of domination and control exercised by the white dominant class contributed to develop strong racial prejudices of white superiority. The rhetoric used by slave-traders sustained the notion 23 that blacks were primitive savages devoid of a Christian soul.

In this way they justified the slave-trade and its inhuman methods and practices. This rhetoric was ingrained in the psyche of slave-states all over the Americas, and Puerto Rico was not an exception. A significant excerpt from the first History of Puerto Rico, written in the eighteenth century by Fray Ifiigo Abbad y Lasierra, states: Los mulatos, de que se compone la mayor parte de la poblacion de esta Isla, son los hijos de bianco y negra.

Su color es obscuro desagradable, sus ojos turbios, son altos y bien formados, mas fuertes y acostumbrados al trabajo que los blancos criollos, quienes los tratan con desprecio. Entre esta clase de gente hay muchos expeditos y liberales para discurrir y obrar, se han distinguido en todos los tiempos por sus acciones y son ambiciosos de honor. Los negros que hay en esta Isla, unos son traidos de las costas de Africa, otros son criollos, descendientes de aquellos, sin mezcla de otra casta: los primeros son todos vendidos por esclavos; de los segundos hay muchos libres; con todo no hay cosa mas afrentosa en esta Isla que el ser negro o descendiente de ellos.

Blacks and mulattoes, free or enslaved, distinguished themselves by their actions, good discernment, and great "ambition of honor. This Negro-phobia prevailed throughout the nineteenth century, and it was aggravated by the fear of black insurrection. In addition, the black population did not have the means nor the spare time to meditate, reflect, or to write about their own situation.

On the contrary, the white Hispanic Creole elite was privileged, and although repressed by colonial control and censorship, it was their point of view that prevailed as representative of Puerto Rican nationalist sentiment and culture. The failure in recognizing blacks and mulattoes as genuinely Puerto Ricans was a generalized cultural rejection generated in part by a European colonial bias based on notions of racial superiority.

The upper-classes did not want to have any connection with, or relation to, the shame of slavery. These radical class and racial perceptions must be taken into serious account when studying the discourse of the Creole elite, in order to contextualize their writings and to understand their political position with respect to the black and mulatto majority. This does not mean that my study intends to be partisan to any racist implications, but rather to illuminate the reasons behind the Creole elite's deliberate omission of the population of African descent.

The neglected presence of blacks and mulattoes in the fiction of the period under study obliged me to search for the possible reasons behind the ideological obliteration of a large part of the population that played a crucial role in the growth of nationalist sentiments in the island. The Creole Elite and the Revolutions for Independence Even though during the nineteenth century in Puerto Rico the spirit of the time was in favour of revolution and independence, historians have pointed out the fear felt by the 25 island's Creole elite of the eventual empowerment of the lower peasant class and slaves.

Arturo Santana, for example, in his article "Puerto Rico in a Revolutionary World" observes that the revolution for independence in Venezuela in was closely watched by the Puerto Rican Creole elite, who maintained correspondence with Venezuelan revolutionary leaders: However, the revolutionary, separatist spirit was not shared by the majority of the island's inhabitants at this time, and thus, as in the case of Cuba it would not be the decisive historical force at this stage.

A liberal reformist tendency was to emerge, instead, to oppose the conservatives who were unconditionally loyal to Spain. Throughout this period Puerto Rico was Spain's principal counter-revolutionary bastion in the eastern Caribbean for the struggle in northern South America, especially Venezuela. The Liberal Reformist tendency was the safest anti-colonial standpoint that the moneyed elite adopted, particularly in the aftermath of the Haitian Revolution.

Haiti's declaration of independence was seen as a threat to an economy based on slavery.

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It is well known that Haiti was the most prosperous emporium of the plantation system and the richest colony in the s. The bloody slave revolt against white landowners caused the surviving white families to flee in terror from Haiti to neighbouring islands, and Puerto Rico hosted many of these families. For example, Adalberto Lopez notes, that 26 French planters who escaped from Haiti immigrated with their families to Puerto Rico, as did many Spanish families from the Latin American mainland after the wars of independence began in These families were extremely conservative, and as soon as they established themselves in the local hierarchy they sought to protect their social status and privileges at all cost: The French royalists and the vigilant authorities in Puerto Rico were joined after by thousands of Spaniards fleeing from the wars of independence on the mainland colonies.

These royalist exiles also brought with them tales of horror about what happened when the masses were involved in political struggles, and once settled in the island, they, too, made every effort to see that Puerto Rico remained a colony of Spain. Lopez 52 Other Caribbean islands where the plantation-mainly of coffee, sugar cane, and tobacco-was the main source of profit throughout the nineteenth century and the first part of the twentieth, shared this fear of the rebellions of the lower class and the enslaved masses.

The immigration of planters and Spanish loyalist exiles from St. Domingue Haiti and the fear of slave revolts were part of the reason why there was not a unanimous desire for total independence in Puerto Rico during and after the mainland revolutions of Unlike the rest of the Latin American countries, engaged in consolidating newly-born nation-states, Puerto Rico and Cuba remained under the strict control of the Spanish Crown.

Spanish citizens and their sympathizers both in the Peninsula and the Antilles regarded Cuba and Puerto Rico as the most loyal colonies, "remaining faithful while the other mainland territories undertook their wars of anticolonial liberation" Lewis This unconditional 27 loyalty was extremely important for the Spanish administration, since Spain's own political instability in Europe jeopardized its control over what remained of its overseas empire. Spain's domestic political unsteadiness had been decisive in the series of events that unfolded in the Spanish American colonies in the first decade of the nineteenth century.

In , during the devastating war between France and Spain, Ferdinand VII was imprisoned and the deputies of the Junta Central de las Cortes de Cadiz decided to write a new constitution which resulted in the constitutional period of The Junta invited representatives from all of the American colonies to the Cortes de Cadiz.

At this time, the Spanish colonies on the Latin American mainland were involved in wars for independence, and the Junta believed that this call for a new constitution would appease the revolutionaries. For their part, the Puerto Rican Creole elite engaged in the process opened by the new Spanish constitution with vigour and optimism.

This led to the first official election in the island; despite the fact that voting was restricted to literate upper class men, nonetheless it was a legitimate exercise in proto-democracy. In , Power y Giralt presented Las Instrucciones al Diputado Don Ramon Power y Giralt which were proposals for reforms that "point to the existence of a gathering protonationalist feeling in the Puerto Rico of the time The proposals put forth the social, political, and economic petitions for reforms demanded by the Creole elite which, in turn, were based on a document written by Fray Inigo Abbad y Lasierra which criticized the despotism of the absolutist colonial system.

The brief constitutional period from to , known as the Constitution of Cadiz, reinforced 28 in Puerto Rico what Lewis calls "a sort of embryonic political national consciousness," that is, a growing nationalist sentiment among the Creole elite The Constitution of Cadiz, although short-lived, allowed freedom of speech for the first time and as a result reinforced this initial national sentiment. The sense of freedom experienced during this couple of years awoke in the people a claim to their right to openly criticize the political regime and to express their feelings in the arts.

In the Spanish conservatives overthrew the Constitution of Cadiz and restored the absolute power of the monarchy. Six years later a second constitutional period was decreed which also lasted a few years The restitution of Ferdinand VII to the Spanish throne in put an immediate end to the constitution, and restored the absolutist regime over the island. The third constitutional period in again awoke in the people the spirit of freedom of speech and an ever-increasing thirst for the arts. The Constitutional periods promoted the few cultural and educational institutions that survived during the nineteenth century, such as "La Sociedad Economica de Amigos del Pais" , "La Academia Real de Buenas Letras" , and the "Instituto Civi l de Segunda Ensenanza" To a greater or lesser degree, these few institutions contributed to the incipient education system and the limited dissemination of literature and the arts.

Women's Writing in Colombia

In Mis memorias, Tapia tells yet another anecdote of his ongoing struggle for establishing a cultural centre which he envisaged as "El Ateneo Puertorriqueno. He already had a building, furniture, and subscribers only needing the governmental permission; but censorship banned a first attempt at publishing a simple statement of encouragement for the Ateneo, an act that deeply disappointed Tapia: 29 "Desisti, pues, de su fundacion juzgandolo imposible. Estaba visto, con aquella administration tan estrecha, era incompatible toda ilustracion y todo progreso" It was not until that a group of intellectuals headed by Manuel Elzaburu founded the "Ateneo Puertorriqueno," also called "la docta casa," which has been the home of literary and scientific matters until the present day Quintero Rivera ; Gonzalez, Literatura y sociedad The need for a university was an argument constantly brought up by nineteenth-century Creole intellectuals, but never heeded by the Spanish authorities, and the University of Puerto Rico had to wait until to be founded.

The island's most important technology for the dissemination of information, creative writing and ideas throughout the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century was the printing press. The freedom of the press in Puerto Rico was in a constant flux in the nineteenth century, subjected to the ups and downs of the Spanish Cortes and the arbitrary whims of the Spanish governing officials.

Historians of literature have pointed out that the late introduction of the printing press delayed the development of a literary tradition in the island. Despite restrictive censorship, these three brief constitutional periods afforded Puerto Ricans the experience of expressing themselves in politics, the arts, and literature. The Printing Press: Birth of a Puerto Rican Literary Tradition In her study La novela en Puerto Rico: apuntes para su historia, Carmen Gomez Tejera emphasizes that the rudimentary state of, and limited access to, the printing press in the nineteenth century was aggravated by the governors' and officials' constant harassment, 30 their arbitrary policies and censorship, and the high cost of printing.

Nonetheless, ever since the printing press was introduced in ,'7 the seeds of freedom of speech and of the right to express opinions in writing were growing among the literate Creoles in the ever-expanding urban centres. The first and only newspaper authorized in the island was the biweekly governmental Gaceta Oficial, which began circulation in December Thanks to the Constitution of Cadiz of , freedom of the press was declared and literate Puerto Ricans were able to voice their political concerns and artistic inclinations for the first time.

The popular newspaper El Cigarron appeared for a brief period in and was characterized by its keen sense of humor and political satire. Unfortunately, there are no surviving copies of El Cigarron, as many scholars have lamented. During this period, another governmental periodical began circulation, El Diario Economico 1 6 Gomez Tejera's La novela en Puerto Rico is the first Master's thesis of the Department of Estudios Hispanicos at Universidad de Puerto Rico that compiled a thorough study on the development of the Puerto Rican novel from the Conquest to It was published in book form in The first printing press was introduced in under the rule of Captain General don Toribio Montes Josefina Rivera de Alvarez in her Diccionario de literatura puertorriquena documents sources that speak to these first newspapers, such as Manuel Fernandez Juncos "Literatura y elocuencia;" Antonio S.

As its name indicates, it dealt chiefly with economic issues that concerned the elite. During the second constitutional period of several papers were founded for the enjoyment of the urban literate class, namely El Eco, El Investigador Puertorriqueno, and El Diario Liberal y de Variedades de Puerto Rico. In , El Boletin Instructivo y Mercantil began circulation under the care of the Creole civilian Florentino Gimbernat, and was one of the few papers that survived throughout the s. Even though El Boletin was a governmental publication, it did not necessarily represent official opinion, yielding its views and scope to the fluctuations of the governors in office.

By , under the direction of the Liberal Creole Ignacio Guasp, El Boletin served all the different opinions and literary expressions of the time until Then it became the voice of the "Capitanes Generales," the official organ of the "espanoles sin condiciones. Terms such as "independence," "abolition of slavery," "freedom," "tyranny," and "despotism" were banned from the journalist's vocabulary.

High fines were applied for the violation of censorship, and again, the ever-changing stream of governors imposed their capricious ruthlessness on the popular press. For example, Governor Mariscal de Campos Juan Primm suppressed the circulation of Elponceno, the most important vehicle for the dissemination of popular Liberal thought in the city of Ponce.

Primm also closed another popular newspaper in Mayaguez, El Impartial, simply because "a don Juan Primm no le hizo gracia su imparcialidad," as Salvador Brau ironically stated in Historia de Puerto Rico Tragically, these few examples illustrate how these short-term 32 governors—most of whom did not hold power for more than two years—played at will with the dispositions and laws that affected Puerto Rican freedom of speech.

In , as Gomez Tejera notes, Ignacio Guasp founded other newspapers, El Ramillete, and La Guirnalda Puertorriquena, that are important to mention for their literary orientation. These "voceros," as Manrique Cabrera calls these few newspapers that saw the light during the brief constitutional periods, provided invaluable venues for early literary manifestations and showcased people's increasing interest for poetry: "En las columnas del Diario Economico y El Cigarron, ; de El Diario Liberal, , y de El Eco, , estan grabadas las iniciales de nuestros comienzos" wrote Antonio S.

Pedreira referring to those first popular publications, most of which have not survived. After Primm, it took exactly ten more governors and two interims before Governor General Gabriel Baldrich decreed the freedom of the press in Between and , five different governors ruled the island, clearly showing the inconsistency through which it was politically administered by Spain. In , at the end of the term of General Rafael Primo de Rivera, freedom of the press was suppressed yet again as a consequence of the fall of the Spanish Republic, since the opinions published in the island represented a threat to "la integridad national" Gomez Tejera Pedreira Elperiodismo en Puerto Rico, bosquejo historico desde su initiation hasta Habana, , qtd.

According to Manrique Cabrera, the first literary publication in the island was a book of poems, written by the outcast Spaniard Juan Rodriguez Calderon, simply entitled Poesias, followed by a second work Ocios de juventud both circa These books are important in our context because of their singularity, but especially because their themes are focused on Puerto Rico, as in the poem "Ida al campo de Puerto Rico" by Rodriguez Calderon: Sitio feliz en que por tantos ahos Despues que desenganos De la vida pasada Me ofrecio la fortuna.

Albergue venturoso Adonde encontro suelo el forastero Un asilo dichoso Y a donde con esmero A l extrano se acoge qtd. Ironically, while Puerto Rico was a good place for asylum, its own people suffered exile and had to flee to other countries. Most of the Puerto Rican exiles were intellectuals who belonged to the pro-independence faction and who were forced to leave the island, never to return, as happened to the patriots Eugenio Maria de Hostos, Ramon Emeterio Betances, Lola Rodriguez de Tio, and Segundo Ruiz Belvis, among others.

In Mis memorias, Tapia recalls that there was only one theatre in existence before the s, a wooden building that he describes as a "verdadero corral de comedias" It was probably built during the constitutional period of , but since it was destroyed there remains no concrete evidence of its origin. Tapia indicates that in , under the initiative of the Spanish army, construction began on the first coliseo a large auditorium or coliseum , which was opened circa Mis memorias Many theatre companies from Spain, Mexico, and other countries were invited to perform in the island, with tremendous success.

Tapia, Pasarell, and Manrique Cabrera have documented that the Puerto Rican audience particularly enjoyed plays by Leandro de Moratin and Manuel Eduardo de Gorostiza , as well as many sainetes by Ramon de la Cruz In Mis memorias, Tapia mentions that some local sainetes were also included, along with those by Ramon de la Cruz. With his usual sense of humour, Tapia refers to the title of one such local sainete for which "podra juzgarse la estetica de nuestro publico en aquel tiempo. Despite its vocabulary, as Tapia hilariously remarks, the quotation shows that a Puerto Rican dramaturgy was gradually emerging.

Of special interest is Emilio J. Pasarell's discovery of an anonymous fragment of what he identified as part of a drama written and published in Puerto Rico by According to Pasarell, the plot is a case of adultery and bigamy: Fulgencio, a Spaniard who married again in Puerto Rico, is followed by his first wife, who comes to find out her husband's infidelity. These early explorations of theatre, coupled with the literary texts available through the popular press, demonstrate how in Puerto Rico there was an audience eager and ready for the dissemination of the arts and culture.

In , when Puerto Rico was under the rule of one of the island's notorious despots, Governor de la Pezuela , Tapia wrote his first Romantic drama Roberto d' Evreux. In Mis memorias, Tapia confesses that at the time he was a devotee of the romantic historical drama, his favourite readings in particular were Cristina de Suecia by Dumas, and Maria de Tudor by Victor Hugo. In both dramas each of the queens, in a jealous rage, have their lovers killed. Tapia recalls that his young and highly romantic imagination was carried away with the idea of a queen who, after punishing her lover, mourns him inconsolably.

Tapia recounts in detail this anecdote and how the censor banned his play: Olvide que era hijo de una colonia espanola en la Espana monarquica de , con aquella literatura dramatica que aun solia pensar, o decir de los reyes, algo menos que Sancho Ortiz de las Roelas: " E l rey no puede mentir; no, que es imagen de Dios". El censor hubo de prohibir no solo que se diese al teatro, pero ni siquiera a la estampa, so pretexto, como me dijo aquel funcionario, de que en estas provincias de America no debia permitirse la impresion ni representation de obras en que, como 36 pasaba con la mia, se humanizase a los reyes; y que yo pintaba a una reina freneticamente enamorada, hasta el punto de hacer morir por celos a su amante.

Necesitaba yo tener pocos anos contaba 21 para suponer que en Puerto Rico pudiese escribirse lo que en Francia. The play, he indicates, was the result of his inexperienced youth, and consequently it had many flaws: "la candidez del adolescente se revelaba en esto, como el poco valor de la obra literaria" Notwithstanding, Tapia managed to bring to the stage with tremendous success a revised version of Roberto d' Evreux in and published it that same year Garcia Diaz For this, Tapia is recognized as the first Puerto Rican playwright whose plays formally initiated the national theatrical tradition.

Tapia continued writing dramas and promoting theatre locally. The themes that Tapia and other Puerto Rican playwrights used were inspired by events of recent foreign history, such as Roberto d' Evreux. Tales of honour, unrequited love, and the adventures of pirates figured among this first romantic impulse. Tapia wrote several historical dramas, namely Bernardo de Palissy , Camoens , and Vasco Nunez de Balboa In these romantic and sentimental plays, Tapia dealt with the lives and love affairs of men such as the Count of Essex, the French alfarero Palissy, the Portuguese poet Camoens, and the Spanish conquistador Nunez de Balboa.

There are two interesting pieces which are not historical, La cuarterona and La parte del leon Both dramas are set in Tapia's own day, but 37 the only one that presents a Caribbean setting is La cuarterona.