Manual Les fous de lumière T1 : Hortense (French Edition)

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Later Preachers. Moral and Devotional Treatises. Political and Polemical Works. Codes and Legal Treatises. Miscellanies and Didactic Works. Antoine de la Salle. The Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Characteristics of Fifteenth-century Literature. Martial d'Auvergne.

Hybrid School of Poetry. Jean le Maire. Jehan du Pontalais. Minor Predecessors of Marot. The School of Marot. Mellin de Saint-Gelais. Miscellaneous Verse. Fiction at the beginning of the Sixteenth Century. The Heptameron. Noel du Fail. Moyen de Parvenir. Du Bellay. Daurat, Jodelle, Pontus de Tyard. Minor Ronsardists. Du Bartas. The last Age of the Mediaeval Theatre. Beginnings of the Classical Drama. Prose Writers of the Renaissance. Minor Reformers and Controversialists.

Preachers of the League. Minor Translators. Henri Estienne. Olivier de Serres. Disenchantment of the late Renaissance. Du Vair. Bodin and other Political Writers. La Noue. Marguerite de Valois. Pierre de l'Estoile. Minor Memoir-writers. General Historians. The School of Malherbe. Epic School. Bacchanalian School. Saint Amant. La Fontaine.

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Minor Poets of the Seventeenth Century. Minor predecessors of Corneille. Minor Tragedians. Development of Comedy. The Heroic Romances. Cyrano de Bergerac. Madame de la Fayette. Fairy Tales. Historical Essayists. Madame de Motteville. Cardinal de Retz. La Rochefoucauld. Saint Simon. Historical Antiquaries. Du Cange. Literary Degeneracy of the Eighteenth Century, especially manifest in Poetry. Descriptive Poets. Minor Poets. Light Verse. Divisions of Drama. La Motte.

Voltaire and his followers. Characteristics of Eighteenth-century Drama. Bernardin de St. Restif de la Bretonne. Xavier de Maistre. Benjamin Constant. Characteristics and Divisions of Eighteenth-century History. Madame d'Epinay. Minor Memoirs. Memoirs of the Revolutionary Period. Abundance of Letter-writers. Madame du Deffand. Mademoiselle de Lespinasse. Occasional Writing in the Eighteenth-century. La Harpe. Orthodox Apologists. Philosophe Criticism. Les Feuilles de Grimm. Diderot's Salons. His General Criticism. Newspapers of the Revolution. The Influence of Journalism.

The philosophe movement. Lettres Persanes. Esprit des Lois. Political Economists. Vauban, Quesnay, etc. La Mettrie. Joseph de Maistre. The Romantic Movement. Writers of the later Transition. Victor Cousin. The Romantic Propaganda in Periodicals. Victor Hugo. His Method. Dangers of the Method. Dumas the Elder. George Sand. Alfred de Musset. Influence of the Romantic Leaders. Minor Poets of Alfred de Vigny. Auguste Barbier. Louis Bertrand. Second Group of Romantic Poets.

Leconte de Lisle. Charles Baudelaire. Minor Poets of the Second Romantic Group. The Parnasse. Minor and later Dramatists. Emile Augier. Dumas the Younger. Victorien Sardou. Classes of Nineteenth-century Fiction. Minor and later Novelists. Jules Janin. Charles de Bernard.

Jules Sandeau. Octave Feuillet. Edmond About. Gustave Droz. The Naturalists. Emile Zola. Journalists and Critics. Paul de St. Hippolyte Taine. Academic Critics. Linguistic and Literary Study of French. Philosophical Writers. Theological Writers. Ernest Renan. Minor Historians. An attempt to present to students a succinct history of the course of French literature compiled from an examination of that literature itself, and not merely from previous accounts of it is, I believe, a new one in English.

There will be observed in the parts of this Short History a considerable difference of method; and as such a difference is not usual in works of the kind, it may be well to state the reasons which have induced me to adopt it. Early French literature is to a great extent anonymous.

Moreover, even where it is not, the authors were usually more influenced by certain prevalent styles or forms than by anything else. Into these forms they threw without considerations of congruity whatever they had to say. Nothing, for instance, can be less suitable for historical or scientific disquisition than the octosyllabic metre of a satiric poem.

But Jean de Meung and one at least of the authors of Renart le Contrefait 1 do not think of composing prose diatribes. At one moment and place the form of the Chanson de Geste is all-absorbing, at another the form of the Roman d'Aventures, at another the form of the Fabliau. In Book I. I shall therefore proceed by these forms, giving an account of each separately.

After Villon the case changes. During this time, therefore, and especially during that brilliant age of French literature, the sixteenth century, I shall proceed by authors, taking the most remarkable individually, and grouping their followers around them. From the time of Malherbe the system of schools begins, divided according to subjects. The poet, the dramatist, the historian, have their predecessors, and either intentionally copy them or intentionally innovate upon them.

In this part, therefore, I shall proceed by subjects, taking historians, poets, dramatists, etc. One difference will be noticed between the third and fourth Books, dealing respectively with the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It has seemed unnecessary to allot a special chapter to theological and ecclesiastical writing in the latter, or to scientific writing in the former.

Almost all writers who have attempted literary histories in a small compass have recognised the difficulty, or rather impossibility, of treating contemporary or recent work on the same scale as older authors. In treating, therefore, of literature subsequent to the appearance of the Romantic movement, I shall content myself with giving a rapid sketch of the principal literary developments and their exponents. There are doubtless objections to this quadripartite arrangement; but it appears to me better suited for the purpose of laying the foundations of an acquaintance with French literature than a more uniform plan.

The space at my disposal does not admit of combining full information as to the literature with elaborate literary comment upon its characteristics, and there can be no doubt that in such a book as this, destined for purposes of education chiefly, the latter must be sacrificed to the former. As an instance of the sacrifice I may refer to Bk. There are some forty or fifty Chansons de Gestes in print, all of which save two or three I have read, and almost every one of which presents points on which it would be most interesting to me to comment. But to do this in the limits would be impossible.

Nor is it easy to enter upon disputed literary questions, however tempting they may be. Generally speaking, the scale of treatment will be found to be adjusted to the system of division already stated. In the middle ages, where the importance of the general form surpasses that of the individual practitioners, comparatively small space is given to these individuals, and little attempt is made to follow up the scanty and often conjectural particulars of their lives. If, as seems very likely, these explanations should not content some of my critics, I can only say that the passages which they may miss here would have been far easier and far pleasanter for me to write than the passages which they will here find.

This volume attempts to be, not a series of causeries on the literary history of France, but a Short History of French Literature. Two things only I have uniformly aimed at, accuracy as absolute as I could secure, and completeness as thorough as space would allow. In the pursuit of the former object I have thought it well to take no fact or opinion at second-hand where the originals were accessible to me. Manuscript sources I do not pretend to have consulted; but any judgment which is passed in this book may be taken as founded on personal acquaintance with the book or author unless the contrary be stated.

Some familiarity with the subject has convinced me that nowhere are opinions of doubtful accuracy more frequently adopted and handed on without enquiry than in the history of literature. Those who read this book for purposes of study will, it is hoped, be already acquainted with the Primer , which is, in effect, an introduction to it, and which contains what may be called a bird's-eye view of the subject. But, lest the wood should be lost sight of for the trees, notes or interchapters have been inserted between the several books, indicating the general lines of development followed by the great literature which I have attempted to survey.

To these I have for the most part confined generalisations as distinct from facts. I have, I believe, given in the notes a sufficient list of authorities which those who desire to follow up the subject may consult. I have not been indiscriminately lavish in indicating editions of authors, though I believe that full information will be found as to those necessary for a scholarly working knowledge of French literature.

I had originally hoped to illustrate the whole book with extracts; but I discovered that such a course would either swell it to an undesirable bulk, or else would provide passages too short and too few to be of much use. I have therefore confined the extracts to the mediaeval period, which can be illustrated by selections of moderate length, and in which such illustration, from the general resemblance between the individuals of each class, and the comparative rarity of the original texts, is specially desirable.

To avoid the serious drawback of the difference of principle on which old French reprints have been constructed, as many of these extracts as possible have been printed from Herr Karl Bartsch's admirable Chrestomathie. But in cases where extracts were either not to be found there, or were not, in my judgment, sufficiently characteristic, I have departed from this plan. The illustration, by extracts, of the later literature, which requires more space, has been reserved for a separate volume. I had also intended to subjoin some tabular views of the chief literary forms, authors, and books of the successive centuries.

But when I formed this intention I was not aware that such tables already existed in a book very likely to be in the hands of those who use this work, M. Gustave Masson's French Dictionary. Although the plan I had formed was not quite identical with his, and though the execution might have differed in detail, it seemed both unnecessary and to a certain extent ungracious to trespass on the same field. With regard to dates the Index will, it is believed, be found to contain the date of the birth and death, or, if these be not obtainable, the floruit of every deceased author of any importance who is mentioned in the book.

It has not seemed necessary invariably to duplicate this information in the text. I have also availed myself of this Index for the compilation of which I owe many thanks to Miss S. Ingham to insert a very few particulars, which seemed to find a better place there than in the body of the volume, as being not strictly literary. In conclusion, I think it well to say that the composition of this book has, owing to the constant pressure of unavoidable occupations, been spread over a considerable period, and has sometimes been interrupted for many weeks or even months.

This being the case, I fear that there may be some omissions, perhaps some inconsistencies, not improbably some downright errors. I do not ask indulgence for these, because that no author who voluntarily publishes a book has a right to ask, nor, perhaps, have critics a right to give it. But if any critic will point out to me any errors of fact, I can promise repentance, as speedy amendment as may be, and what is more, gratitude. Preface to the Second Edition. All corrections of fact indicated by critics and private correspondents, both English and French among whom I owe especial thanks to M.

Beljame , have, after verification, been made. A considerable number of additional dates of the publication of important books have been inserted in the text, and the Index has undergone a strict examination, resulting in the correction of some faults which were due not to the original compiler but to myself. On the suggestion of several competent authorities a Conclusion, following the lines of the Interchapters, is now added.

If less deference is shown to some strictures which have been passed on the plan of the work and the author's literary views, it is due merely to the conviction that a writer must write his own book in his own way if it is to be of any good to anybody. But in a few places modifications of phrases which seemed to have been misconceived or to be capable of misconception have been made. I have only to add sincere thanks to my critics for the very general and, I fear, scarcely deserved approval with which this Short History of a long subject has been received, and to my readers for the promptness with which a second edition of it has been demanded.

Preface to the Third Edition. I have found some such mistakes, and I make no doubt that I have left some. In the process of examination I have had the assistance of two detailed reviews of parts of the book by two French critics, each of very high repute in his way.

The first of these, by M. The assistance thus given by M. Paris whose forbearance in using his great learning as a specialist I have most cordially to acknowledge has been supplemented by the appearance, quite recently, of an admirable condensed sketch of his own 2 , which, compact as it is, is a very storehouse of information on the subject.

If in this book I have not invariably accepted M. Paris' views or embodied his corrections, it is merely because in points of opinion and inference as opposed to ascertained fact, the use of independent judgment seems to me always advisable. The other criticism in this case of the later part of my book , by M.

Edmond Scherer, would not seem to have been written in the same spirit. Scherer holds very different views from mine on literature in general and French literature in particular; he seems which is perhaps natural not to be able to forgive me the difference, and to imagine which if not unnatural is perhaps a little unreasonable, a little uncharitable, and even, considering an express statement in my preface, a little impolite that I cannot have read the works on which we differ.

I am however grateful to him for showing that a decidedly hostile examination, conducted with great minuteness and carefully confined to those parts of the subject with which the critic is best acquainted, resulted in nothing but the discovery of about half a dozen or a dozen misprints and slips of fact 3. Such slips I have corrected with due gratitude. But I have not altered passages where M.

Scherer mistakes facts or mistakes me. I need hardly say that I have made no alterations in criticism, and that the passage referring to M. Scherer himself with the exception of a superfluous accent stands precisely as it did. Some additions have been made to the latter part of the book, but not very many: for the attempt to 'write up' such a history to date every few years can only lead to confusion and disproportion. I have had, during the decade which has passed since the book was first planned, rather unusual opportunities of acquainting myself with all new French books of any importance, but a history is not a periodical, and I have thought it best to give rather grudging than free admittance to new-comers.

On the other hand, I have endeavoured, as far as possible, to obliterate chronological references which the effluxion of time has rendered, or may render, misleading. The notes to which it seemed most important to attract attention, as modifying or enlarging some statement in the text, are specially headed 'Notes to Third Edition': but they represent only a small part of the labour which has been expended on the text.

I have also again overhauled and very considerably enlarged the index; while the amplification of the 'Contents' by subjoining to each chapter-heading a list of the side-headings of the paragraphs it contains, will, I think, be found an advantage. And so I commend the book once more to readers and to students 4. Gaston Paris expresses some surprise at my saying 'one of the authors,' and attributes both versions to the Troyes clerk see pp.

I can only say that so long as Renart le Contrefait is unpublished, if not longer, such a question is difficult to decide: and that the accepted monograph on the subject that of Wolf left on my mind the impression of plural authorship as probable. As however M. Scherer, thanks chiefly to the late Mr. Matthew Arnold, enjoys some repute in England, I may give an example of his censure. He accuses me roundly of giving in my thirty dates of Corneille's plays 'une dizaine de fausses,' and he quotes as I do M.

As since the beginning, years ago, of my Cornelian studies, I have constantly used that excellent edition, though, now as always, reserving my own judgment on points of opinion, I verified M. Scherer's appeal with some alarm at first, and more amusement afterwards. The eminent critic of the Temps had apparently contented himself with turning to the half-titles of the plays and noting the dates given, which in ten instances do differ from mine. Had his patience been equal to consulting the learned editor's Notices , he would have found in every case but one the reasons which prevailed and prevail with me given by M.

Marty-Laveaux himself. The one exception I admit. I was guilty of the iniquity of confusing the date of the publication of Othon with the date of its production, and printing instead of So dangerous is it to digest and weigh an editor's arguments, instead of simply copying his dates. Had I done the latter, I had 'scaped M. Scherer's tooth. Scherer in this preface and I need hardly say still more those which occur in the body of the book with reference to a few others of his criticisms were written long before his fatal illness, and had been sent finally to press some time before the announcement of his death.

I had at first thought of endeavouring to suppress those which could be recalled. But it seemed to me on reflection that the best compliment to the memory of a man who was himself nothing if not uncompromising, and towards whom, whether alive or dead, I am not conscious of having entertained any ill-feeling, would be to print them exactly as they stood, with the brief addition that I have not known a critic more acute within his range, or more honest according to what he saw, than M. Edmond Scherer. Of all European literatures the French is, by general consent, that which possesses the most uniformly fertile, brilliant, and unbroken history.

In actual age it may possibly yield to others, but the connection between the language of the oldest and the language of the newest French literature is far closer than in these other cases, and the fecundity of mediaeval writers in France far exceeds that of their rivals elsewhere. For something like three centuries England, Germany, Italy, and more doubtfully and to a smaller extent, Spain, were content for the most part to borrow the matter and the manner of their literary work from France.

This brilliant literature was however long before it assumed a regularly organized form, and in order that it might do so a previous literature and a previous language had to be dissolved and precipitated anew. With a few exceptions, to be presently noticed, French literature is not to be found till after the year , that is to say until a greater lapse of time had passed since Caesar's campaigns than has passed from the later date to the present day.

Taking the earliest of all monuments, the Strasburg Oaths, as starting-point, we may say that French language and French literature were nine hundred years in process of formation. The result was a remarkable one in linguistic history. French is unquestionably a daughter of Latin, yet it is not such a daughter as Italian or Spanish.

A knowledge of the older language would enable a reader who knew no other to spell out, more or less painfully, the meaning of most pages of the two Peninsular languages; it would hardly enable him to do more than guess at the meaning of a page of French. The long process of gestation transformed the appearance of the new tongue completely, though its grammatical forms and the bulk of its vocabulary are beyond all question Latin. The history of this process belongs to the head of language, not of literature, and must be sought elsewhere.

It is sufficient to say that the first mention of a lingua romana rustica is found in the seventh century, while allusions in Latin documents show us its gradual use in pulpit and market-place, and even as a vehicle for the rude songs of the minstrel, long before any trace of written French can be found. Meanwhile, however, Latin was doing more than merely furnishing the materials of the new language.

The literary faculty of the Gauls was early noticed, and before their subjection had long been completed they were adepts at using the language of the conquerors. It does not fall within our plan to notice in detail the Latin literature of Gaul and early France, but the later varieties of that literature deserve some little attention, because of the influence which they undoubtedly exercised on the literary forms of the new language. In early French there is little trace of the influence of the Latin forms which we call classical.

It was the forms of the language which has been said to have 'dived under ground with Naevius and come up again with Prudentius' that really influenced the youthful tongue. Ecclesiastical Latin, and especially the wonderful melody of the early Latin hymn-writers, had by far the greatest effect upon it. Ingenious and not wholly groundless efforts have been made to trace the principal forms of early French writing to the services and service-books of the church, the chronicle to the sacred histories, the lyric to the psalm and the hymn, the mystery to the elaborate and dramatic ritual of the church.

The Chanson de Geste , indeed, displays in its matter and style many traces of Germanic origin, but the metre with its regular iambic cadence and its rigid caesura testifies to Latin influence. The service thus performed to the literature was not unlike the service performed to the language. In the one case the scaffolding, or rather the skeleton, was furnished in the shape of grammar; in the other a similar skeleton, in the shape of prosody, was supplied. Important additions were indeed made by the fresh elements introduced.

Rhyme Latin had itself acquired. But of the musical refrains which are among the most charming features of early French lyric poetry we find no vestige in the older tongue. The history of the French language, as far as concerns literature, from the seventh to the eleventh century, can be rapidly given. The earliest mention of the Romance tongue as distinguished from Latin and from German dialect refers to , and occurs in the life of St. Mummolinus or Momolenus, bishop of Noyon, who was chosen for that office because of his knowledge of the two languages, Teutonic and Romanic 5.

We may therefore assume that Mummolinus preached in the lingua Romana. To the same century is referred the song of St. Faron, bishop of Meaux 6 , but this only exists in Latin, and a Romance original is inferred rather than proved. In the eighth century the Romance eloquence of St. Adalbert is commended 7 , and to the same period are referred the glossaries of Reichenau and Cassel, lists containing in the first case Latin and Romance equivalents, in the second Teutonic and Romance 8. By the beginning of the ninth century it was compulsory for bishops to preach in Romance, and to translate such Latin homilies as they read 9 ; and to this same era has been referred a fragmentary commentary on the Book of Jonah 10 , included in the latest collection of 'Monuments The text of the MS.

We now come to documents less shapeless. The tenth century itself gives us the song of St. Eulalie, a poem on the Passion, a life of St. Leger, and perhaps a poem on Boethius. These four documents are of the highest interest. Not merely has the language assumed a tolerably regular form, but its great division into Langue d'Oc and Langue d'Oil is already made, and grammar, prosody, and other necessities or ornaments of bookwriting, are present.

The following extracts will illustrate this part of French literature. The Romance oaths and the 'St. Eulalie' are given in full, the 'Passion' and the 'St. Leger' in extract; it will be observed that the interval between the first and the others is of very considerable width. This interval probably represents a century of active change, and of this unfortunately we have no monuments to mark the progress accurately.

Pro deo amur et pro christian poblo et nostro commun salvament, d'ist di in avant, in quant deus savir et podir me dunat, si salvarai eo cist meon fradre Karlo et in aiudha et in cadhuna cosa, si cum on per dreit son fradra salvar dist, in o quid il mi altresi fazet, et ab Ludher nul plaid nunqua prindrai, qui meon vol cist meon fradre Karle in damno sit.

Considering the great extent and the political divisions of the country called France, it is not surprising that the language which was so slowly formed should have shown considerable dialectic variations. The characteristics of these dialects, Norman, Picard, Walloon, Champenois, Angevin, and so forth, have been much debated by philologists.

But it so happens that the different provinces displayed in point of literature considerable idiosyncrasy, which it is scarcely possible to dispute. Hardly a district of France but contributed something special to her wide and varied literature. The South, though its direct influence was not great, undoubtedly set the example of attention to lyrical form and cadence. Britanny contributed the wonderfully suggestive Arthurian legends, and the peculiar music and style of the lai.

It is however with the eleventh century that the history of French literature properly so called begins. We have indeed few Romance manuscripts so early as this, the date of most of them not being earlier than the twelfth. But by the eleventh century not merely were laws written in French charters and other formal documents were somewhat later , not merely were sermons constantly composed and preached in that tongue, but also works of definite literature were produced in it.

From this date it is therefore possible to abandon generalities, and taking the successive forms and developments of literature, to deal with them in detail. Before however we attempt a systematic account of French literature as it has been actually handed down to us, it is necessary to deal very briefly with two questions, one of which concerns the antecedence of possible ballad literature to the existing Chansons de Gestes, the other the machinery of diffusion to which this and all the early historical developments of the written French language owed much.

What is this place? That damned Satan is tormenting me night and day For the sin we committed together my love. Tell me dearest, can I kiss you? They had been in this town For several generations To live and die, that was the rule For the people of Forillon. Fishing boat in the summer Axe and saw in the winter Joy and happiness in fair measure That was their world in a nutshell.

They came and turned it upside down Walking, measuring, surveying They intend to bulldoze everything Or so they said in Ottawa. In Forillon strangers Will come in numbers to visit Forgetting that we were the ones Who cleared that land years ago. My mother so good is no more I wander alone on the path Holding out my hand to beg For a piece of bread I rarely get.

When the long grey dress of the night Hides away the fine blue skies Under foliage flapping in the breeze I cast my eyes toward the past. I can see her, my mother so good I can feel my head resting on her bosom I want to speak, I think I feel her presence But only the echo answers the orphan. I think about heaven, the happiness of innocence Where reigns God the Father of the weak ones I hope He will take away my pain He is a good father, he loves the orphan.

Once I had a sweetheart A hundred times prettier than day A jealous friend took her from me So I killed him to avenge my life. Tonight under the moonlight I will go listen to the tale Of all the misfortunes that have been Oppressing me for so long. Shackled deep underground Alone in my dark cell I cry while I pray For no-one can hear me weeping.

When Papineau heard that, he got into battle And started firing his cannon So well the pretty city shook. Courage friends courage, the city is being looted And they shouted Hurrah for Papineau We have taken Toronto. Conception graphique Alain Reno et Philippe Brochard.

Le dragon de Chimay paroles et musique : Boulerice. Mon cher amant, me suivrais-tu sans craindre? Dans les cachots paroles et musique : traditionnelles. Digital version available. Pourquoi belle les refusais-tu? En premier il faut avoir le tour Chantourner comme un artisan. I am very anxious, however, to have my son at the end of this month. The fine weather is approaching. I have passed so bad a winter that I hope you will consent to be separated from him for a few months.

As you have not yet selected a doctor, I send M. Giraud to accompany my son. I have written to Corvisart for a doctor. Be good enough, I beg of you, to choose one. As for chap. It will be indispensable for M. Adieu, Madame ; if you can send me the little one by the end of the month, you will give me great pleasure. Charles IV. King Louis answered : I I am not the governor of a province. For a king there is no promotion but to heaven ; all are equal. With what face can I go to demand an oath of fidelity from another people, if I do not remain faithful to that which I took to Holland when I ascended the throne?

Harassed by the complaints of his subjects, whom the Continental blockade was ruining, he endeavoured to solace them with Court gaieties. Tired of the Hague, he removed his Court to Utrecht, and afterwards to Amsterdam ; but the 1 'J'ai appris par ces dames que accompagner mon fils. J'ai 6crit a vous vous portez mieiix; j'espere que Corvisart pour un me'decin. Veuillez, vous arriverez heureusement a terme. H fau- J'ai communique au Corps Le"gislatif drait peut-etre choisir un homme la nouvelle de votre grossesse. Je ne assez jeune pour qu'il put s'accou- pourrai pas venir a Paris au mois de turner a lui et en faire son unique occu- mai.

Quoiquej'aye supporteThiverJe pation. Quant a moi, je m'en rap- sens quejenesaurais supporter lesej our porte avotre choix et a celui de Corvi- de Paris. II me faut vivre en malade sart. J'ai appris que M. Je desire cependant se marier. II sera indispensable que beaucoup avoir mon fils a la fin de ce M.

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Adieu, mois. La belle saison approche. J'ai madame ; si vous pouvez m'envoyer passe" un hiver si rude que j'espere que le petit pour la fin de ce mois, vous vous consentirez a vous separer de lui me ferez bien plaisir. In addition to political differences between the royal couple there were conjugal jealousies on both sides. Eothschild, Eue Lafitte. I should have preferred a daughter ; but the news filled my mother and the Em- peror with joy. He had salutes fired all along the Spanish frontier, where he then was.

Politically, he considered it fortunate that a second son of his house should be born. To give him the news I despatched my French chamber- lain, M. The King had the event announced to the people assembled under his balcony, and received the customary felicitations. I have begged mamma Madame Mere , and I have requested Madame de Boubers to give exact accounts of your health.

I hope they will soon acquaint me with your complete convales- cence. When M. I should like the little one to be only christened, so that he 1 AH the "biographers of the Em- property of one of the Eothschilds, peror have said that he was born in was visited by the Emperor and the Tuileries. Adieu, - — A— Madame. I am not surprised that you say nothing about it, since your letter is of the 21st, and that she was brought to bed on the 20th, in the night.

It has caused me the greatest joy. I only now want to be assured that you are going on well. I am astonished that in a letter of the 20th, written to me by the Archchan- cellor, he doesn't mention it. On this her Majesty has left a curious note. J'ai Mon Amie, — Hortense est aceou- prie nianian et j'ai charge madame de chee d'un fils; j'en ai eprouve une Bo ubers de me donner exactement vive joie.

Je ne suis pas snrpris que de vos nouvelles. J'espere qu'elles tu n'en dises rien, puisque ta lettre m'apprendront bientot votre entier est du 21, et qu'elle est accouchee le retablissement. Qiiand M. Je desirerais que le ici le Fais partir ton premier petit ne fut qu'ondoye, afin qu'il service le 25 au soir.

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Je te fais puisse etre baptise" solennellement ici. Ma sante ment mon desir au votre et a celui de est bonne. Adieu, madame. He was to assist at the birth of my son. He generally wore powder. The scent of it was so strong that when he came near me to congratulate me I was nearly suffocated. On the same day he sent to the Queen's husband at the Hague, demanding that measures should be taken to put down smuggling on his frontiers.

Les Fous de lumière, Tome 1 : Hortense: Dominique Marny: ziwopycaxa.tk: Books

But later on May 3 he wrote : ' I beg to compliment you on the birth of your son. I desire that this prince shall be called Charles Napoleon. The Empress Josephine was delighted at the advent of the little prince; and wrote to her daughter from Bordeaux on April 23 : — 4 My dear Hortense, 2 — I am in the greatest joy.

The On the same day he wrote to Hortense, in Paris : — 'Ma Fille — J'apprends que vons etes heureusement accouchee d'un garcon. J'en ai eprouve la plus grande joie. II ne me reste plus qu'a etre tranquillise et a savoir que vous vous portez bien. Je suis etonne que dans une lettre du 20, que m'ecrit l'archichancelier, il ne m'en dise rien. On the 25 th the Emperor wrote from Bayonne to M. Je' vous remercie de la part que vous prenez a l'heureux accouchement de la reine de Hollande;' and on the same day to the King of Holland at the Hague, demanding that measures should be taken to put down smug- gling on the frontiers.

But later — that is, on May 3 — he wrote : — ' Je Vous fais mon compliment sur la naissance de votre fils. Je desire que ce prince s'appelle Charles- Napoleon. Bordeaux, 23 avril I felt my heart beating when I saw. I had just received a second letter from the Archchancellor, assuring me that you and your son are going on well. I am quite sure that Napoleon 1 has con- soled himself that it is not a sister, and that he is already very fond of his brother. Kiss both of them for me. I received a letter from the Emperor yesterday ; he is in good health.

But 1 dare not write you a long letter, lest I should tire you. Take the greatest care of yourself ; don't receive too many people at first. Let me hear news of you every day ; I shall wait for them with an impatience equal to my love. J'ai senti mon cceur la veille. II attendait, pour le len- battre en le voyant entrer ; inais demain, le roi Charles IV et la reine.

Manage- ment, et mon pressentiment ne m'a toi avec les plus grands soins ; ne pas trompee. Je viens de recevoir recois pas trop de monde dans ces une seconde lettre de l'archichance- premiers moments. Fais-moi donner lier, qui m'assure que tu te portes tous les jours de tes nouvelles. Je bien, aussi que ton fils. Je sais que les attends avec autant d'impatience Napoleon se console de n'avoir pas que je t'aime avec tendresse.

Embrasse-les pour moi Lettres de Napoleon et de Josephine. Le prince des Asturies after the death of his elder brother. Napoleon was in the noonday of his glory when this prince — the first born in the purple — was given to his house. The world upon which its blue eyes opened, appeared to offer to its childhood the splen- dours of the most powerful court on w T hich man's gaze had ever rested.

It seemed destined to be nursed in pomp and pleasure, and. A writer has said that one hundred and twenty millions of people celebrated, in twenty different tongues and dialects, the birth of Hortense's child. De Talleyrand, Prince de Benevent, bent his sagacious eyes respectfully upon the infant, and calmed the mother by his soft and wily words — seeking her help in his disgrace. Some thirty years later the same eyes fell upon a young man, in Lady Tankerville's drawing-room in London, and knew not, or would not know, the son of Hortense, whose favour he had craved almost at the moment of birth.

Louis describes a party at Lady II parait qu'il en avait la nouvelle Tankerville's, at which he found avant l'arrivee de M. The two talked at the same temps de venir le retrouver a Ba- time to the hostess, each pretending yonne. In her MS. Memoirs Hortense observes : ' My son was so chap. He had to be bathed in wine and to be wrapped in cotton to bring him back to life. I had ceased to think about my own. Sinister ideas presented to me only the certainty of death. I so thoroughly ex- pected it, that I asked my accoucheur coldly if I could live another day.

She was harassed by her disagree- ments with her husband, by her mother's divorce, and then by the reverses that fell upon Napoleon. Both Napoleon and Josephine turned to her for comfort and help. Josephine, in her letters, perpetually implores her daughter to take courage, and to bear up for the sake of 1 ' Mon fils 6tait si faible que je mes yeux que la certitude de mourir. La mienne ne m'occupait — Unpublished Memoirs. The children passed much of their time with their grand- mother at Malmaison, and were very frequently with the Emperor, while their mother was taking the waters at Aix or Plombieres.

The period ranging between the birth of Louis and the fall of Napoleon in was the most tumultuous, the most trying, probably the most unhappy of Hortense's stormy life. It included the frightful death of her devoted friend Madame de Broc ; l the scenes at Malmaison during and after the divorce ; the humiliation of being train-bearer at the nuptials of Marie Louise ; the abdication of King Louis, and her final separation from him ; a load of calumny cast upon her own shoulders, and her final visit to and flight from Holland.

Through all the dark passages of this most miserable epoch Hortense kept an intrepid spirit. The wounds penetrated most sensitive flesh ; but the lion- heart that beat in this extraordinary woman never gave way again, as it had yielded when her eldest boy lay dead in her lap. Yet she was not without error. They who loved her best were constrained to admit her follies ; to bow their heads when it was asserted that she wronged her husband, who, with all his aggravating faults, had never ceased to love her ; and to own that she clave not to him through the vicissitudes of his reign, nor appreciated that noble rectitude of his mind which was apparent to all the world in his abdication.

Napoleon, 2 when the sun of his glory had set, and could survey the whole of Hortense's conduct, made this estimate : — ' Hortense, so good, so generous, so devoted, is not 1 Madame de Broc, who fell over killed under the eyes of Queen a precipice into a torrent and was Hortense.

However contrary and unbearable Louis was, he loved her ; and, in such a case, with such great interests at stake, every woman should be mistress enough to submit, and have the art of loving in return. If she had known how to restrain her- self, she would have been spared the sorrow of the recent lawsuits ; l she would have lived a happier life ; she would have followed her husband to Holland; Louis would not have run away from Amsterdam ; and I should not have found myself compelled to merge his kingdom in the French Empire, which helped to ruin me in Europe, and many things would have happened differently.

Had she fully returned her husband's love, and borne his humours, patient as Boccaccio's heroine — she might, in the enthusiasm for Napoleon which filled her soul, have drawn the King to compliance with his brother's command that Holland should seal her ports against the Englishman ; but this would only have brought about, by another road, the coalition that crushed the sometime master of Europe.

Judging by the life of King Louis, the probability is that not even the love of a brilliant, gifted, and beautiful woman like Hortense 1 For the restoration of the chil- tresse de se vaincre et avoir l'adresse dren to their father. Si elle eut su se 2 ' Hortense, si bonne, si gene- contraindre, elle se serait epargnee le reuse, si devouee, n'est pas sans avoir chagrin de ses derniers proces ; elle eu quelques torts envers son mari.

Quelque bizarre, quelque in- son royaume a l'Empire francais, ce supportable que fat Louis, il l'aimait ; qui a contribue a me perdre en et, en pareil cas, avec d'aussi grands Europe, et bien des choses se seraient interets, toute fern me doit etre mai- paaaees difteremment. He declares that the country is un- happy because he will not yield to the demands of his brother ; and in abdicating in favour of his son Napoleon Louis, and, in his default, of Charles Louis Napoleon, 1 he prays the Dutch to resign themselves to the will of the Emperor, whose soldiers were actually overrunning the country.

After a righteous reign, he left his subjects, as Landor says, amid their tears ; while his brother tore his act of abdication in pieces, and addressed a pompous note to young Napoleon Louis then playing in the Pavilion d'ltalie of the park of Saint Cloud with his little brother Charles Louis , telling him that his father's conduct afflicted his heart, and that his illness alone could explain it.

On July 2, , King Louis of Holland departed for Gratz in Styria as Count of Saint Leu, declining all provision for himself and family, and making over to his wife his property in France and Holland. Louis, hardly more than two years old, lost for ever the guidance of a high-minded, scholarly father ; a loss lie must have often deplored in after years, for the King would have given him that masculine strength, that sternness, in which his education until he took it into his own hands was deficient.

That granite the Count of Saint Leu would have given. But the forsaken husband, and the childless father, was deprived of home when he laid aside his crown ; and it was not until he had appealed to the French law courts, while Napoleon was at Elba, that he obtained a legal Afterwards Napoleon III. Louis, the future Emperor, was, chap. She had taken her two children with her to Baden, without her stepfather's permission : — 'Ebersdorf: May 28, Since you are at the Baden waters, remain there ; but, one hour after having received the present letter, send back my nephews to Strasburg, to the Empress ; they should never leave France.

This is the first time I have reason to be dis- satisfied with you ; but you should not take steps in regard to my nephews without my permission : you ought to understand the bad effect it produces. Since the Baden waters do you good, you may remain there for a few days : but, I repeat, lose not a moment in sending my nephews to Strasburg. Votre affectionne pere, C'est la premiere fois que j'ai lieu Napoleon. Afterwards Napoleon issued an express order that the Princes should never leave France.

The love which Josephine lavished on Hortense's children is shown in all her letters. It was manifested specially to Louis, at first because he was a weak and ailing child, but afterwards because his nature was gentle and loving ; and his sallies of observation delighted his grandmother, who valued the early promise of brilliant social qualities at a very high rate. Let us now note what Prince Louis himself first ob- served and remembered of his infancy. That Napoleon III. The Prince off, Hortense had them grouped and gave it to Madame Cornu, and she framed, as a present for her mother.

It was burnt When Arenenberg was sold, during in the Tuileries. Prince Louis's imprisonment at Ham, 2 In the possession of the Empress the frame, with other personal trea- Eugenie. They are therefore a mere series of notes couched in phraseology not intended for critical eyes ; but this carelessness as to form is of the very essence of their value.

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  8. It is characteristic of the sympathetic mind of the man, who kept a benignant faith in the goodness and kindness of human nature to the end of a life that was clouded by much calumny and many ex- periences of ingratitude. They are real pictures that have fixed them- selves in your memory, but which it is impossible to con- nect. My earliest remembrance goes back to my baptism, and I hasten to remark that I was three years old when I was baptised, in 18 10, in the chapel at Fontainebleau. The Emperor was my godfather, and the Empress Marie Louise was my godmother.

    I, le fonts baptisniaux par LL. For my grandmother spoiled me in every sense of the word ; whereas my mother, from my tender- est years, tried to correct my faults and develope my good qualities. I remember that once arrived at Malmaison, my brother and I were masters, to do as we pleased.

    The Empress, who loved flowers and conservatories passion- ately, allowed us to cut the sugar canes to suck them, and she always told us to ask for everything we wanted. But I — when the Empress said : " Louis, ask for anything that will give you the greatest pleasure " — requested to be al- lowed to go and walk in the gutters with the little street boys. Let not this request be deemed a ridiculous one, since all the time I was in France, where I lived till I was seven years old, my great grief was to be going to town in a carriage with four or six horses.

    When, in , before our departure, our governor took us one day out on the boulevards, I felt the keenest sensation of happiness that is within my recollection. When, at Malmaison, I could make my escape from the salon, I went off quickly to the great entrance, where there were always two grenadiers of the Imperial Guard as sentinels.

    One day, when I had escaped to the window on the ground floor in the hall, I entered into conversation with one of the old grognards who was on duty. I called to him : "I, chap. I have a little musket. Portez armes! Armes bas! My delight may be imagined. Wishing to show him my gratitude, I ran off to the place where some biscuits had been kid for us, and fetched one, which I thrust into the grenadier's hand. He laughed as he took it, and I felt confused at the great pleasure I thought I had given him.

    They used to conduct us to a room the windows of which open on the Tuileries Gardens. When the Emperor entered he came up to us, took us by the head between his hands, and in this way stood us upon the table. This exceptional way of carrying us frightened my mother very much, Gorvisart having told her that it was very dangerous to children.

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    When the first news of the landing of the Emperor came, there was great irritation among the Eoyalists and the Gardes du Corps against my mother and her children. The rumour ran that we were to be assassinated. One night our governess came with a valet de chambre and took us across the garden of my mother's house, which was No.

    It was the first sign of a reverse of fortune. Ce sont de vrais tableaux qui se sont fixes dans votre memoire et qu'il vous est impossible de co-ordonner. Le premier de mes souvenirs remonte. Ne a Paris le 20 avril , je fus baptise en 1 8io dans la cbapelle de Eontainebleau.

    L'Empereur fut mon parrain et l'Im- peratrice Marie-Louise fut ma mar- raine. Mon souvenir me reporte ensuite a la Malmaison. Je vois encore l'Imperatrice Josephine dans son salon au rez-de-chaussee, m'en- tourant de ses caresses et flattant deja mon amour-propre par le soin avec lequel elle faisait valoir mes bons mots. Oar ma grand'mere me gatait dans toute la force du mot, tandis qu'au contraire ma mere des ma plus tendre enfance s'occupait a reprimer mes defauts et a developper mes qualites.

    Je me souviena qu'arrives a la Malmaison, mon frere et moi, nous etions les maitres de tout faire. L'Imperatrice, qui aimait passionne- ment les plantes et les serres-cbaudes, nous permettaient de couper les Cannes a Sucre pour les sucer, et tou- jours elle nous disait de demander tout ce que nous voudrions. Un jour qu'elle nous faisait cette meme demande, la veille d'une fete, mon frere, plus age que moi de trois ans, et par consequent plus sentimental, de- manda une montre avec le portrait de notre mere.

    Mais moi, lorsque l'Im- peratrice me dit: "Louis, demande tout ce qui te fera le plus de plaisir," je lui demandai d'aller marcber dans la crotte avec les petits polissons. Qu'on ne trouve pas cette demande ridicule : car, tant que je fus en France, on je demeurai jusqu'a sept ans, ce fut toujours un de mes plus vifs chagrins que d'aller dans la ville en voiture a quatre ou six cbevaux. Lorsqu'en 1 8 1 5, avant notre depart, notre gouverneur nous conduisit un jour sur le boulevard, cela me fit eprouver la plus vive sensation de bonbeur qu'il me soit possible de me rappeler.

    Quand a la Malmaison je pouvais m'ecbapper du salon, j'allais bien vite du cote" du grand perron, on il y avait toujours deux grenadiers de la garde imperiale qui montaient la garde. Un jour que je m'e'tais mis a la fenetre du rez-de-chausse'e, de la pre- miere piece d'entree, j'entrai en con- versation avec l'un des vieux gro- gnards qui montaient la garde.

    Le factionnaire, qui savait qui j'etais, me repondait en riant et avec cordialite. Je lui disais — je m'en souviens — " Moi aussi, je sais faire l'exercice ; j'ai un petit fusil. On concoit quel etait mon ravissement. Jen prends un et je cours le mettre dans la main du grenadier, qui le prit en riant, tandis que moi que j'etais honteux du bonheur, croyant lui en avoir fait un grand.

    On nous faisait entrer dans une chambre dont la fenetre donnait sur le jardin des Tuileries. Des que l'Empereur en- trait, il venait a nous, nous prenait avec ses deux mains par la tete, et nous mettait ainsi debout sur la table. Lorsqu'on recut la premiere nouvelle du debarquement de l'Empereur, une grande irritation se manifesta parmi les royalistes et les gardes du corps contre ma mere et ses enfants.

    On repandit le bruit que nous devions etre assassines. C'etait la premiere marque des revers de la fortune. The first seven years of Louis's life were spent in France. He was just old enough to remember the glories of the Empire and to be struck with the pageants in which he bore a part ; but he was too young to understand the disasters of 1 8 1 4 and of 1 8 1 5. As he has himself related, he and his brother were delighted with the change when they were smuggled from Queen Hortense's sump- tuous palace in the Eue Cerutti to an attic on the boule- vards ; and the sorrowful mother has told us how lightly the events which struck her to the heart passed over the heads of her boys.

    Flying from Paris in 18 14, Mademoiselle Cochelet has described how Hor tense never, in the midst of her griefs and dangers, forgot to see her two boys put to bed; and how she was comforted when she watched them placidly sleeping, with treachery and disaster close roundabout them. She was a strict disciplinarian from the first, as her son Louis records, and as all who, having known her, have written about her, attest.

    Her constant aim was to cultivate their self-reliance and their self-respect, and to counteract the bad effects of the deference of which they were the objects. They must not repose on the solidity of their greatness ; and I teach them to rely only on themselves. All accounts agree in this, that young Napoleon and his brother Louis were bright, high-spirited, affectionate boys, who deserved the love that their mother and grandmother lavished upon them. Louis, however, appears to have been the more remarkable and engag- ing child of the two. Josephine, in her letters to her daughter, perpetually talks about her little Oui-oui — the nickname she had given Louis, and by which all who approached the gentle, feeble boy loved to call him.

    The sweet heart of Josephine speaks in all her letters. A year later she was about to receive the two young Princes at Malmaison. I have already laid in a stock of playthings, and I — r — - shall give them as many as they please ; but as for sweetmeats, be quite sure they shall not have any. As the poor are also your children, I have promised Mademoiselle de Cavanac to write to you in her behalf.

    I have given her twelve hundred francs ; if you can give her the same sum it will be a good work — the better be- cause this aid will help her to marry a man of merit, M. Because she had been happy with those whom she loved. Two years later she was at Malmaison ; Hortense was taking the waters at Aix in Savoy, and the boys were with their grandmother. Their complexion is white and rosy. I can assure you that since they have been here they have not had the slightest indisposition.

    I am delighted to have them with me ; they are charming. I must tell you an excellent answer by little Oui-oui. The Abbe Bertrand [his first tutor] was making him read a fable where there were allusions to metamorphoses. Having had the word explained to him, he said to the Abbe : "I should like to be able to change myself into a little bird : I would fly away when it was time for my lesson with you ; but I would come back when M.

    Hase [his German master] came. She tries to console her by describing how charming her children are, and how they are always thinking and talking about her. They show an excellent character, and a great love for you. The more I see them, the more I love them. I don't spoil them, however. Be quite easy about them ; your directions as to their diet and studies are exactly followed. When they have worked well through the week, I let them breakfast and dine with me on Sunday.

    The proof that they are well is that every- body finds them grown. Napoleon's eye was swollen yesterday from a sting, but he was as well as usual. To- day it can hardly be seen. I should not have mentioned it if I were not in the habit of telling you everything concerning them. The day of M. I gave them to them as a present from you — from Aix. I had reason to make two such good and sensitive children happy ; they have repaid me well since. Your children will do the same to you, my dear Hortense.

    Their heart is like yours ; they will never cease to love you. Their health keeps up wonder- fully : they have never been fresher nor better. Little Oui-oui is gallant and kind to me as usual. The same day he was going for a walk in the Butard wood. When he reached the grand avenue, he threw his hat into the air and exclaimed : " How I love beautiful nature! They animate everything around me. Judge whether you have not made me happy in leaving them with me. I could be happier only on the day when I saw yourself. Quaglia paints him with an armful of wild blossoms.

    Madame Cornu, dwelling on the poetic side of his character — the weak side it may be, but the delightful side, in which we discover the essence of the charms he exercised over all who came in contact with him — has shown us that it was undimmed even in the gloom of Chislehurst. She believes that it was the foundation of his nature. A fine view, a noble sunset, a rare flower, would throw him into ecstasies. In the thick of his eventful life he treasured his knowledge of the poets, and kept it vivid — with great care.

    When a boy he was an enthusiastic student of Shakespeare, Schiller, Corneille. When he met his playfellow Madame Cornu in after life, and they fell into a gossip over early times at Arenenberg, in Eome, or on the Swiss mountains, he would pour out long passages from the poets they had read together.

    Arese and I were talking about the poetry of Berchet on the Italian move- ment of 1 83 1. For the rest, his poetic vein is to be found in his letters ; but where are they? One day he gaily told us that in his childhood his great pleasure was to water flowers ; and that his governess, Madame de B , 2 fearing lest he should catch cold, had the watering-pots filled with warm water.

    I was but an infant then, and still the pre- caution appeared ridiculous to me. Queen Hortense had been ordered by the Emperor to re-open her salons and do her utmost to drive away the gloom cast over the capital by the retreat. Fetes and balls were to chase the clouds that were settling upon the Imperial fortunes. Hortense obeyed, and tears filled her eyes when she saw her rooms crowded with mutilated heroes.

    Yet she played her part courageously ; and only went away to the quiet of Saint Leu after the Emperor had left again for the war, to win the victory of Liitzen. In her home she gave a fete to Marie Louise ; spent a few happy weeks with her mother and the boys, and then was sent by her physicians to Aix to recruit her health. In the love of her children and her mother she found new fortitude day by day.

    The valour and pure honour of Prince Eugene warmed her sisterly heart. She was even proud of her husband for a moment when he came forth from his retreat in Styria, and offered the brother who had wronged him to fight at his side in the time of his evil fortune. It was in the thick of the tragic action preceding Napoleon's first banishment that she proved herself the most motherly of mothers.

    Adam Crabtree

    Her son Louis had suffered the extraction of a tooth, and the operation had been so severe that the haemorrhage lasted two days. This was hidden from the Queen ; but on the second day the child looked so ill that it became absolutely necessary to divulge the cause. She spoke not, but caught her boy in her arms, and would not loose her grasp until at length he had fallen to sleep upon her bosom and the bleeding had stopped. Then she placed him 1 'Mon mari est bon Francais.

    Mais nos inte're'ts sont les au moment oil toute l'Europe se de- menies, et il est digne de son carac- clare contre elle ; c'est un honnete tere de venir se reunir a tous les homme ; et si nos caracteres n'ont pu Francais pour aider de ses moyens sympathiser, c'est que nous avions la defence de son pays. C'est ainsi des defauts qui ne pouvaient aller qu'il faut reconnaitre tout ce que le ensemble. Moi, j'aieutropd'orgueil ;. She went to bed, but she could not sleep ; the image of her boy with his blood-stained mouth stood before her.

    At length she rose, and without rous- ing her attendants stole to Louis's bedside. The boy slept : the nurse had fallen asleep also. On examining Louis closely she saw that blood was trickling from his lips as he slept. Without waking the nurse she took her child in her arms, placed her finger firmly upon the bleeding gum, and remained in this position till the morn- ing. The wound was closed — and her son was saved! When, early in 1 8 14, after Macon had fallen, and after the fights of Nangis, Montmirail, and Champaubert, the enemy was only a few leagues from Paris — when she saw the courtiers and flatterers of the Emperor gliding off to the south while the affrighted peasantry were pouring pell-mell into the capital — and when every hour brought the news of some fresh defection and some new disaster — she preserved a cool courage which her bitterest enemies have admired.

    Pestered by the importunities of her husband, who was living with Madame Mere ; in con- stant trepidation lest her boys should be taken or stolen from her ; confused by a multitude of counsellors, most of whom were wrapped up in a desire to save their own personal interests, but a few of whom had a loving care for her, she repaired to the Tuileries to conjure Marie Louise to remain in Paris with her son, and re-animate the troops who were to defend Paris, until Napoleon could come up with his army to save it.

    The great dig- nitaries had met the Imperial family in solemn council, and it had been decided otherwise. Napoleon had said that he would sooner know his son to be at the bottom of the Seine than in the VOL. She turned a deaf ear to the parting advice of her husband, maintaining that the Imperial family, for whom France had made such sacrifices, should stand in the breach to the last. Count Begnaud de Saint- Jean-d'Angely, colonel of the National Guard, sought an interview, and described to her the bad effect which the departure of the Empress had had on his troops.

    She answered : ' Tell the National Guard that if they will undertake to defend Paris, I will undertake to remain. The colonel of the National Guard speedily returned to tell the solitary member of Napoleon's family who still faced the storm that in a few hours Paris would be in the hands of the enemy, and that she must fly. That night, w T hile the boys lay peacefully sleeping, she heard for the first time in her life the artillery of the enemy. The next morning, refusing to follow in the wake of Marie Louise, Hortense departed to join her mother at Navarre. Josephine passed her nights sobbing, — — r— or in terrible dreams.

    She and her daughter heard of the Emperor's abdication and banishment to Elba, in the night, the Empress sitting weeping upon Hortense's bed. Swedish soldiers were quartered in the Queen's house in the Eue Cerutti. Every post brought news of fresh treason, that stung the poor women to the heart. Generous Josephine wanted to join Napoleon in his exile, since Marie Louise had deserted him. Hortense cared nothing for the reverse of fortune. She declined to address the smallest request to the Allied Sovereigns.

    All her fears were for her children. In a letter to Mademoiselle Cochelet April 9, 18 14 , who had re- mained in Paris, she exclaims : ' Ah!

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    I hope they will not demand my children, for then my courage would fail me. Brought up under my own care, they will be happy in any position. I shall teach them to be worthy in both good and bad fortune, and to place their happi- ness in self-respect. It is well worth crowns. B00K had calmed down. Alexander be- haved towards Josephine and her daughter, in spite of the haughty coldness of the latter, like a chivalrous gentleman, and the King of Prussia and the rest of the foreign Princes paid them marked respect.