Since this combination appears coherent, let us briefly play with the following idea: if the snakeslayer on the cylinder seal were beaked, the [warrior] Horus, the falcon-shaped sky god, could arise as a suitable solution; he could be seen as performing the task of snake-slaying instead of Seth. After they reconciled, Horus and Seth might have actually encountered the Apophis together, from as early as the time of the Pyramid Texts.
He concluded that the short hieroglyphic inscription of the cylinder seal, i. This assumption was based on the fact that the two leopard head hieroglyphs—expressing pHty—power, strength—were fronted and placed at. Replacing the usual w3s-sign, the wsr-emblem was emphasised in the plaque of Shoshenq III, partly for the same reason. In Egyptian worldview, the world is an emanation of the creator god, including various forces and powers objectivised for example in symbols and images, while the gods, the king, and people are distinguished by the share they have at a given time of these.
The pharaoh appears as the keeper of world order in the theologically equivalent hunting and smiting the enemy scenes alike. He is basically identified with gods with a warrior aspect, enabling him to promote regeneration in this form by conquering the cosmic and worldly enemies. The lion, the royal beast, might have equally symbolised royal power and the power of the inimical forces of chaos like in the Near East.
According to the Egyptian worldview, there was no contradiction between these two; on the contrary, they were closely connected, since power had to be operated within a system of relations take possession of it from somebody, practised against somebody, or protect it. Especially noteworthy in this context is a group of New Kingdom scarabs depicting the king arching, in which the lion is the target of archery, a skill embodying royal power. These symbols of various good wishes probably not only added an apotropaic surplus function to the icons but must have been connected to the images and conveyed the deeper meaning of the scene.
At the same time, the immanent objective of the representation of power, i. In this case the latter, i. He expounded in detail what he meant by this phrase when discussing another, well distinguishable group of eighteen scarabs, most of which surfaced in Palestine. Hence, it must be the case that the main objective of the Rc nfr inscription is not so much to identify. As previously mentioned, as far as the roles are concerned, it is the Sun Amun-Ra, Ra who commissions the king or the war god Horus, assuming the role of the king,52 to maintain the kingdom and ensure the cosmic order using the power invested in him.
Smiting the enemy forms part of this. Ra is the judge of enemies trying to destroy the truth in other contexts too, but he does not directly enforce the judgement. The Sun, both omnipotently and latently can be present in the struggle fought for him, and it can also be expressed both in pictures and text that he actually stands in the background. New Kingdom scarabs in some cases borrowed the well-known icon from other areas of art, in which, before military campaigns along with the sword of victory Amun-Ra, handed the Pharaoh the authorisation, the power and the hope of triumphing over the enemy in the coming war.
It seems that the royal lion hunt was associated with the motif of divine foreordaining and commission, as well as with a kind of renewal concept not only in Egyptian culture. However, instead of presenting the arguments leading up to my conclusion in this part of my study, I deemed it necessary to first provide a more general methodological background here. Assmann also pointed out that it is not infrequent in texts with magical content aimed against the enemy that after triumph achieved.
This integral connection between the themes of punishing the enemy and vindication was mapped out subtly and in a structuralist manner by H. Roeder, based on funerary and cult texts. Willems59 or N. In his revolutionary interpretation of the decoration of an early Middle Kingdom coffin Heqata in , H. Willems applied a novel approach by regarding the whole coffin as a structured composition with the decorative elements as the building blocks.
The first four levels remained within the boundary of the object, of which the information directly relating to the object and resulting from the analysis of the previous levels is synthesised on the fourth level providing an overall picture of the object. The cohesion between the different layers of meaning built on each other was created by analogies that connect the layers through references and also play a part in the formation and configuration of semantic structures.
These analogies operate with dual ly complementary pairs of categories,66 which are expounded in the deep structure by inherent oppositions. The process referred to by the general term of reconstitution or restoration, precedes the process of manifestation, and it restores somebody or something from a state of disorder and disintegration into his or its original state.
Thus, it conveys a more comprehensive and deeper meaning of restoring Order through the symbolic configuration of the disintegration-reintegration opposite. Manifestation, i. Therefore, before the process of manifestation could take place, the restoration of Order had to be realised at several levels including the reclaiming of power through the act of smiting the enemy during the reconstruction. Thus, the fulfilment of these and the possession of the obtained warrants and abilities had to be declared as a prerequisite of manifestation.
This is why this manifestation is represented by the opening of cosmic portals and passageways, and opening is linked to the aforementioned conditions. The deceased had to prove he possessed all the above before he reached the portals, i. One of the acts expressing hegemonial reconstitution in this liminal phase is crossing by taking a wide stride, which not only expressed the traversing, repossession and grasping of the territory ruled, but also attested to the presence of the power regained through smiting the enemy and reusable against any malignant force.
The successful outcome of smiting the enemy in the liminal phase was made possible by the verdict of the divine tribunal. The final destruction of the enemy could be executed in the Netherworld with this divine verdict, or warrant, which was granted in the Horus constellation before the tribunal at Heliopolis.
More specifically, it grants Osiris—who was restored to life again and entered into power—free entry into the Afterlife, and makes it possible for the Sun and the deceased as well as Horus, performing his tasks in the Netherworld to exit from Dat through the gate of the horizon, at the first light. This vindication therefore has a preliminary and a subsequent process attached to it, and can thus be divided into three time dimensions. Thus, this vindication means not only protection but also the granting of free passage to the ascension through the gate of horizon. This concept, in which the smiting of the enemy icon is used to include the aforementioned apotropaic meaning, originates from a royal sphere of ideas, as pointed out by Roeder, and theophanised the royal power political context.
Preliminary summary To console the readers who followed my argumentation in the first two parts of this study, I will bring forward some of the final conclusions I arrived at in the semantic synthesis to be expounded in Part 3 especially as that part will not be published in the scope of this periodical. The depicted constellation is basically atemporal and non-narrative; yet, as previously seen, it represents a state in the present that serves as a transition between certain temporal and causal antecedents as well as states and events desired to be gained and guaranteed in the future. In the present the main actor of the scene is placed in a so-called Horus constellation, intervening to protect his father, Osiris, and to help in his regeneration.
In possession of vindication he performs the final enemy destruction and thus the deceased is granted free passage. In regard to the enemy represented in the composition, the lion and the royal lion hunt, popular in the New Kingdom, might have been chosen for various reasons. However, the latter was used to express the concept of vindication and to configure the meanings implied by it at multiple levels.
In relation to vindication the plaque did not focus on obtaining the Sechem-power and putting it into operation, but rather demonstrated the wsr-power. As illustrated above in the case of several scarabs, this power was somehow connected with the motif of triumph over lions. As far as usual good wish formulae go, the wsr-symbol in the inscription of the plaque is an uncommon element, but it is placed centrally.
Importantly, it denotes the type of power that is included in the throne name of Shoshenq III and in one of the peculiar iconographies on the southern wall of his burial chamber, in both cases linked to the restoration of Order. This two-line hieroglyphic inscription can be found on side A of a rectangular faience plaque. It describes the apotropaic power manifest in the depiction of the royal figure smiting the enemy, and puts into words its nature and modus operandi, see E.
Hornung and E. The depiction of the royal figure on side B provides an exact representation of the inscription: the royal figure smites the enemy before Montu, the falcon-headed god of war. The basic composition on this steatite plaque with the name Menkheperra, dated to the Third Intermediate Period, is almost identical to that of the Basel piece, with only a few differences. Here Montu holds a M3c. Regarding the problem of dating the motif of lions accompanying kings on seal amulets, see P. Keel, Das Recht der Bilder gesehen zu werden. Attributing more significance to images and regarding them as highly revealing by themselves, O.
Keel did not consider it as absolutely necessary to include the texts in order to understand the depiction on an iconographic level. He repeatedly stressed that depictions of gods can reveal more about them than their names and epitheta, etc. He arrived at the conclusion that images vignettes executed in several ways were less fixed than texts especially based on the spells of the Book of the Dead.
Keel, and Ch. Assmann in several of his works, e. Assmann, W. Burkart, and F. Stolz eds. Tellenbach, Stuttgart, Berlin, Cologne, and Mainz , 12—49, esp. For the positive role of Seth fighting against the Apophis snake, see H. Hill and D. Schorsch eds. Images from Egyptian Temples, New York. This spell belonged to one of the thematic groups chapters 31—42 with apotropaic functions targeting the. Goyon and C. Cardin eds. I, , — For a comprehensive discussion of the symbolism and theological meaning of the cat, see e.
Helck and W. Westendorf eds. Delvaux and E. Warmenbol eds. Magee, J. Bourriau, and S. Quirke eds. Sweeney , —36; A. She regarded Hathor, the goddess of the sky, the divine model of the queen i. The queen, and the royal ladies, who are the priestesses of a god, are in fact manifestations of this feminine prototype, i.
This close association between the EYE concept and the priestesses of a royal origin can also explain why Amenirdis I, the high priestess of Amun who was also the daughter of the Kushite ruler, Kashta could choose a cryptogram with a wedjat-eye in her name inscription, as seen on the Budapest hedgehog scaraboid, see P.
Andreu ed. This piece of the Ashmolean Museum inv. The two cats—one personifying the descending and the other the ascending phases of the Sun—represent the meeting of the old to the new, and their transition. The same can be seen in the case of a couple of bulls on a bronze piece from the end of the Third Intermediate Period, preserved in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, i.
For the goddess Mw. Herma van Voss et al. For the discovery of the tomb, see F. Kampp and J. Cryptography was used intentionally here, too. In connection with the three larger literary contexts of the New Kingdom cryptography in monumental texts, private texts and royal netherworld books , Darnell refers to the occasional overlap between monumental and netherworld cryptographies. Under certain circumstances monumental cryptographies e. See Darnell , 18— In the Amun trigrams, which are concealed modes of writing the name of the god Amun -Ra , the symbol of the cat was at times used for the consonant m acrophonically formed from the word mjw.
It was especially popular on seal amulets and scarabs. An oval plaque in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest inv. The oval shape frequently bears the formal symbolism of being in the nascent state in statu nascendi. The papyrus bush on one of the sides is a symbol of regeneration, both as a plant and as a symbol referring to the place of birth and nurturing of Horus. In certain cases the neb-basket can be regarded as the symbol of the earthly level, with its upper horizontal line representing a kind of horizon line, used to emphasise the manifestation of the figure placed on top.
The use of this trigram motif was not restricted to small arts. For example, it can also be seen in the decoration of the coffin lid of a Chantress of Amun, dating from the second half of the Twenty-first Dynasty, preserved in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest. Metaphorically, this motif might have been chosen because of the above outlined connections between priestesses and the felide Solar Eye, which appears not to have been a unique occurrence since it appears.
For the discussion of the cat hieroglyph, not in its cryptographic meaning but as one of the elements of the hieroglyphic writing system reflecting the well-ordered conceptual world of Egyptians, see also A. Horus is Hathor? Tell es. According to widespread supposition, it was identified as the Biblical Gath, the first Philistine town, where. Goliath lived. For a more careful approach regarding the localisation of Gath highlighting various problems and currently available alternatives, see M.
Ashkelon 4. The Egyptian influence can also be clearly perceived in a significant ensemble of Iron Age objects of Philistine iconography comprising mainly ivory pieces, seals, and seal impressions, see D. Ben-Shlomo, Philistine Iconography. Cylinder seals and seal impressions in Early Bronze Age Palestine already bore the image of the lion, which played an important symbolic and iconographic role in the cultures of the period.
He did not regard this cylinder seal made of the tusk of a hippopotamus as being of Egyptian origin, but assumed the presence of artisans specialised in advanced craftsmanship in the area of southern Palestine in that period. The posture of the crouching lion depicted on the find, its number only one, as opposed to the generally two or three animals in other areas of Byblos and Israel , and the unusually naturalistic mode of depiction are very rare: A. Maeir, I. Shai, and L.
Keel, M. Shuval, and Ch. A Sidon scaraboid dated to the late Twelfth Dynasty, recently discovered by Claude Doumet-Serhal, guides us to the beginnings of the identification of Seth and Baal. According to O. Goldwasser, this suggests that the god might have been worshipped in his form identified with Baal at the time along the Lebanese coast, see Goldwasser , , n. The identification of Seth with Baal must have taken place in the Nile Delta region on open areas attractive to Canaanite settlers , or in Byblos in the Levant, possibly mediating Egyptian motifs.
Attesting to the Canaanite cults brought by these settlers and to the local adoption of Baal-Zephon, a northern Syrian god, is the famous cylinder seal of Avaris, dated to the early Thirteenth Dynasty, with its central figure being Baal-Zephon, striding on two mountains, see E. Bietak and I. Collier and S. Snapf eds. Kitchen, Bolton , 23—50, esp. According to Bietak, much later, in the New Kingdom, the Temple of Seth in Avaris might have been the so-called year stela, erected by Ramesses II in honour of his predecessors, in which Seth is referred to as the ancestor of the Ramessides originating from Avaris and, listing his royal titles, mentioned as a king having ruled for years.
Cornelius About the question whether Seth was regarded as one of the manifestations of Reshef in addition to the shared characteristics, see K.
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Goyon and Ch. Chardin eds. Thus, it was evaluated as a possible but rather experimental hypothesis for example in: B. In the case of deities standing on a lion or a horse, as well as some goddesses introduced into Egypt from the Near East, several interpreters of Canaanite iconography frequently regarded these animals as attributes alluding to the warlike aspect, which became more and more dominant from the Late Bronze Age. The mysterious horse figure seen on the uppermost part of the so-called Taanach cult stand from Canaan, with this upper part representing the sky, might be the horse as an expression of solar regeneration.
For numerous examples of the glyptic motif of the snake-slayer Seth-Baal, see Keel , esp. Cornelius , ff, etc. For the related literature and analysis of the motif, see Keel , , fig. Cornelius , ff, for the dating, , note 3. In snake-slaying scenes from the New Kingdom, Seth is often depicted as bull- or human-headed. The so-called Seth animal, with big ears and a long nose can clearly be identified among the figures in this cylinder seal, but the other figure wears a tall headgear reminiscent of the crown of Lower Egypt.
Hope and O. Kitchen, Bolton , — In the cult of Seth—an outsider, a god separated outside of Egypt—oases such as Mut el-Kharab, the centre of the Dakhleh Oasis and the outlying regions, etc. For more about his connection to Amun in the New Kingdom, see J. This concept can be observed not only in Egypt but also in a depiction found in the Levant. A building lintel discovered in secondary usage in a Qubeibeh village was published in The dating of this building lintel was later corrected by O. Goldwasser, pointing out the New Kingdom parallel of the Seth-king combination, thus ultimately dating the piece to the Nineteenth Dynasty in contrast to the previous dating to the Hyksos period , see O.
It is primarily mentioned in connection with Horus, Seth and the lion. On the Late Bronze Age scarab in fig. Unfortunately, the hoard was discovered from the inside of a vessel originating from an unclear stratigraphic context, but due to the often inaccurate documentation of the dig, some pieces found in its vicinity might have been included in the material.
Despite these difficulties and the hoard being scattered in various museums, O. Keel managed to reconstruct the hoard of 32 pieces. A large part of the collection, comprising seals originating from different periods, proved to be objects made in late Ramesside mass production; the time spectrum of the entire material spans from late Iron Age I to Iron Age II C, thus including scarabs from the Twenty-second Dynasty. According to Keel, the objects with an Egyptising overall picture must have been mainly made in the Eastern Delta of Egypt, while some might have been produced in Southern Palestine.
Ward, Journal of the American Society , no. Goelet, Israel Exploration Journal 48, nos. On the scarab of the former Matouk collection M , the king with a blue crown takes aim at the lion sitting on his rear legs. Keel regarded the branches between the king and the lion similarly to the depiction in Fig. In fig. Besides the possible protective function of the branches, Keel certainly did not ignore the fact that motifs of vegetation frequently symbolise regeneration.
Regeneration—obviously depicted as above, i. This was already suggested earlier in the case of some scarabs e. Hornung-Staehelin , — On the scarabs in figs. XIII, 1. IsraelitGroll ed. Also compare with I. In this group of Palestinian stamp-seals, the Egyptian motifs are reworked and appear together with unusual, probably local motifs. Peculiar is the motif of a uraeus snake protruding from the mouth and not the headdress of the king on the throne, as well as that of the snake that are also embodiments the fiery Solar Eye, which in this case might have symbolised the scorching breath of the sun god.
Ward , Nevertheless, regardless of the cultural point of view, the motivation of the apotropaic use of these pieces is certain: the image of the enthroning Pharaoh is a guarantee of the appropriate operation of cosmic order and the destruction of evil. Popko provides an interesting example, albeit originating from the Greco-Roman period, of the division and historical actualisation of the roles included in the smiting the enemy iconography: in a Baltimore relief depicting a lancing, falcon-headed god, the defeated enemy is shown as a Persian presumably as a result of the anti-Seleucid propaganda at the time , see L.
He also traces back the iconography to scenes in which the king subdues the hosts of chaos, thus it is also the case of a god performing the role of a king. Parpola and R. Whiting eds. This duality was also pointed out by Ph. Derchain in connection with the cosmic roles of the king. Assmann , , notes 71 and For a characteristic comparison between the earthly representative of divine order and the cosmic, mythical enemy of the Sun in Netherworld, cf. Roeder, Mit dem Auge sehen. In his approach to meanings, his first and foremost objective was the primary identification of motifs and forms pre-iconographic level , which was followed by their analysis iconographic level , and finally the synthesis of all the information iconological level.
Eschweiler , 6; I. The primary importance of analysis before synthesis in Egyptology is emphasised in H. In her catalogue on scarabs, R. He handled the decorative elements belonging to levels 1 and 2 individually and in groupings, while possible correlations between the surfaces that bear the respective decorations were examined at level 3.
At analytical level 5, the correlation between the object and the archaeological context it is directly embedded in e. For the ultimate binary oppositions, dual and triple categories, see e. Troy , 7—9; J. Luft ed. Sechem-Herrschaft, thoroughly studied by Roeder, was the central theme of the power political dimension, forming part of the thematic concept of RULE, which described the hegemonic position of the deceased, see Roeder , 19—74, — Due to its length, my study series was divided into three parts primarily along methodological lines, as follows: Part 1: a description of the visual levels form and typology of the object applying R.
Part 2: introduction to the semantic analysis aimed only at the discussion of problems of methodology.
Part 3: begins with a semantic analysis of the main motif of the two sides. New Kingdom antecedents that appear the closest to the depiction. This is followed by the semantic synthesis, in which the definition of the semantic layer s is attempted, treating all the pictorial and textual elements of the object as a compositional unit.
For horizon lions, see e. The appearance therefore of a bell-krater, on the reverse of which a phlyax mask is depicted on a much larger scale, is a matter of both stylistic and iconographic importance. The vase is most noteworthy for the inscription. The Phrynis vase from Apulia figs. The vase, of unknown provenance, was published by Katalin Vandlik in Trendall also mentioned the Laguna Hills vase along with two others as parallels in his discussion of the bell-krater in the New York private collection.
It stands out from the production of the group as much as the vase with a comic mask in Laguna Hills stood out of the list of monotone Winterthur vases in Supplement I. To date, three vases of the Winterthur Group are known all three have a masked female head, but only the Budapest piece has a comic mask on both sides. The four comic masks and. Among these, only one is of a larger size a chous 19 cm in height, no.
With the exception of two vases 11 cm in height, all are between 8. Among bell-kraters, however, Female masks are rarer as the sole decorations of a vase. Trendall mentions only six MAV , nos. The Budapest vase is thus an addition to the brief list of pieces with such representations. Moreover, apart from the Budapest object, only one other Apulian vase is known with a single mask on both sides the small skyphos mentioned above.
In summary: the Budapest vase is noteworthy in every respect, and a rare exception in the red-figure production of fourth-century South Italian workshops. The vase in Salerno, another bellkrater fig. His white hair and beard, his nearly frontal view, and the relatively restrained caricatural features of the face that are much stronger on other comic vases; the decorated tunic and himation which, again differently from the usual style, hangs down to cover the genitals; the lack of the belly and bottom padding normal on comic actors; and the stick bent at the top in his hands are all striking elements on their own, but together give unusual dignity to the figure of Pyronides.
Angrily, he drags after him the second figure, Phrynis, marked with the attribute of the kithara and also named in the inscription. Phrynis is shown in full profile with strongly exaggerated facial. The figure of Phrynis the musician appears several times in Attic Old Comedy.
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This helps to explain why musical allusions and jokes occur so frequently in the surviving plays and fragments of Attic old comedy. If he attacks musical innovations or New Music composers, the audience can be certain that he stands on the side of aristocratic conservatives. Plato sketches similarly the character of Laches Lach. The audience was able to comprehend jokes that alluded to the double meanings implicit in musical terms.
The joke is funny not because the audience was aware of the specialised musical terminology,30 but rather because, as Csapo has shown,31 New Music itself politicised the vocabulary of music as a weapon in the ideological struggle. Sexually ambiguous allusions are common in relation with any female character in comedy, not only hetairai. There remains, however, another possibility: the Salerno krater and the Budapest piece both refer to the same comedy. In the case of Phrynis and other members of the musical avant-garde, it is important to distinguish between the historical composer and the comic character.
Old Comedy sought to capture its audience by representing living contemporaries without the natural blunting effect of the stylization of the characters in the drama. The double aspect of these characters real and fictive , in their original place and time, was an essential part of their reception. But with time their real aspect was unavoidably lost, as the comic character in drama moved. Although the fourth-century South Italian audience was naturally aware that they had been famous poets in their time, none of them could have seen them in real life. Both are represented by the painter as characters in comedy, and not as historical figures.
Among these she also suggests the theatrical context. By depicting a typical character or situation, the artist or the patron could visualize a certain comedy he had seen. Athenian plays could also be depicted in this manner; the routes and processes by which Attic drama reached South Italy are, however, still uncertain. What seems clear though, is that the artists who made the phlyax vases, whatever the sources on which they drew, worked primarily from local theatrical productions.
This raises the question: do the Phrynis vases from Paestum and Apulia have any kind of connection to any particular comic performance? From a general methodological perspective, today this is a tired and somewhat pointless debate, although the essential grounds for scepticism still apply.
A vase painting related to a theatrical production is never a straightforward illustration of the play or scene it depicts, since it obeys its own. That is to say—as Oliver Taplin has concluded in a summary of the debate, aiming to reduce the distance between the two positions, or to show that it is not in fact as great as it might appear—that the so-called philodramatic method of interpretation is not efficient. When a vase painting is made, although it does not illustrate the play to which it refers to, the theatrical culture of the day must have still been in the mind and intentions of the painter, since it was this very connection that accounted for its surplus of meaning and its interest to a potential buyer.
Vandlik42 alludes to the fact that scholars researching the inscriptions of so-called phlyax vases in the Attic dialect had already in the mid-twentieth century raised the possibility that the images reflect local Italiot performances of Attic drama. As a result, several vases can now be included in the list of those that have some kind of relationship to Attic drama.
They prove that comic scenes attested in all five areas of Western Greek44 fine painted pottery formed part of a larger culture of theatre and theatrical representation diffused wherever Greek was spoken, which in a way made use of the best plays and repertory of Attic Old and Middle Comedy.
In several cases, the New Music theme explains the use of musical terms in close proximity to verbs with sexual or with some pejorative innuendo frr. In Prospaltioi fr. Birds In Baptai, orgiastic music is a key element in the caricature of the orgiastic Thracian cult. Another musical motif in the same piece is the emotionally involved apostrophe to ecstatic or erotic musical instruments frr.
Peace and Birds In a fragment of an unknown comedy of Eupolis fr. A similar motif occurs in a fragment of the Heilotes fr. What sort of song should a man perform at the symposium? Finally, it is certain that Eupolis fr. The latter presented the moral and political state of contemporary Athens so depraved and unbearable that only a miracle could save the city. Their task is to restore order to Athens.
I, for my part, proclaim to the whole city Aristeides the Just teaches manners to the sycophant. Miltiades the military genius whips some useless modern strategos into shape, Pericles the statesman does the same with a demagogue Hyperbolos? Solon the Wise Man and the Poet takes a sophist as his target. In the past two decades, scholars of Greek drama have begun to pay considerable attention to regions other than Athens.
With this, the town and its Greek inhabitants came under the control of a Lucian ruling elite. It has been their lot, who in the beginning were Greeks, to become completely barbarized, turning into Etruscans or Romans, and to change their language and other customs so that today they celebrate only one Greek festival. In this way, then, says Aristoxenus, when the theatres are barbarized and the music which has spread so far has fallen into deep corruption, those few of us who survive also recall among ourselves what real music was. As often in the course of their encounters with the Greeks, they chose a peaceful course which the archaeological finds are testimony to, by contrast with the texts.
This did not, however, imply a one-sided surrender, but rather a process of mutual acculturation. All Paestan red-figure masters used a style and technique taken from the workshops of Magna Graecia: their production is found in the whole sequence of graves. Their subjects included scenes from Greek mythology and theatre; Greek inscriptions of names are also common, with the Greek-named painters Asteas and Python signing their works in Greek: egraphe. Greek letters and fragments of Greek names are found on terracotta moulds from Paestum, and Greek masters made jewellery and minted coins, and even worked on the construction of the city walls.
An inscription on a black-glazed patera from a grave and its whole funeral context make it clear that the Lucanian elites mingled with the Greek population, while Dionysius of Halicarnassus mentions that the Oscan conquerors married into local elite Greek families in Neapolis. Strabo says the same of Oscan speaking Campanian rulers in Cumae. This is a sign not only that Greeks and Lucanians were lived together in peace in Paestum, but also that the city, though under Lucanian rule, was undergoing power-.
The Aristoxenus fragment informs us of what is noteworthy and worth mentioning; but it is silent about what it takes for granted. It tells us that in Paestum even towards the end of the fourth century BC, when the language of the majority was no longer Greek but Oscan, there was a small group consisting of the descendants of former Greek elite families whose members regularly gathered to remember their ancestral traditions. The scene on the Phrynis vase in Salerno thus belonged to the culture of Greek theatre, which was present in Paestum as well. The question must be asked, since the image of the mask alone does not necessarily allude to a theatrical context.
The figure of the comic actor appears on Western Greek vases already at the end of the fifth century, first on Lucanian and early Apulian ware, and then from the mid-fourth century on vases from Sicily, Campania, and Paestum. The comic vase, like the symposium scene, can represent a given theatrical piece without referring to a specific performance. In the sympotic scene, the smaller size and relatively careless artistic realization lends a certain pictorial autonomy to the masks —otherwise key iconographic motifs—displayed above the figures. The inscriptions narrow this wider context to the theatrical culture of the symposium with its entertaining Greek-language farces.
He adds that since masks appear as vase decoration only within this circle of painters, and are missing in that of the Patera and Baltimore Painters—artists active outside of Tarentum—the less interesting vases with masks for decoration must also be Tarentine products. This, however is another chapter in itself. Griffiths ed. Recent studies, however, have shown that at least some of the scenes on these vases refer to Attic rather than local comedies.
Tragedy at Play, ed. Harrison, Swansea , ; D. The World of Mythological Burlesque, Cambridge , Paestan r. Publication: P. Storey, Eupolis. Poet of Old Comedy, Oxford , —72; M. Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts, inv. Trendall and A. I: , d; A. Betts, T. Hooker, and J. Green eds. Wester henceforward: MAV , vol. On the Budapest vase cf. Piqueux , 3, 8; Csapo , 80, n. Murray and P. Wilson eds. See e. On mask types, see T.
Webster and J. B vases: the female head on side B is usually so conventional that it not only lacks a connection to the main side, but is often also the work of a different hand. This is certainly not true of the masked heads on either side of the Budapest vase. Multiculturalism in.
Rasmussen and N. Spivey, Cambridge , ; Idem , 90; Taplin , 62; C. On Apulian comic vases, the dialect of most name inscriptions cannot be affirmed, but where it can be, it is not Doric but rather Attic or near-Attic the dialect of comic vase inscriptions from Paestum is less constant, but rather close to Ionic.
MAV It is remarkable that as the Budapest Phrynis vase of the Winterthur Group might have some connection with. RVAp Suppl. II also lists a series from one child grave b—d , which stands out similarly among the schematic production of the Winterthur Group. Lekanis: RVAp Suppl. Trendall says 90 the female masked head is similar but more naturalistic, and he does not identify the mask type. On the inscriptions, see nn. On the oinochoe chous as the most typical shape for vases decorated with masks as the sole design, see Green , 52— See M.
Revermann, Comic Business. On comic ugliness: Revermann , — Translated by W. For sources relating to Phrynis, see NP s. Phrynis; M. For anecdotes on Timotheus and Euripides, see Satyros, Vit. An seni d. On why this is quite unlikely, see below. See C. Studies in Athenian Old Comedy, ed.
Harvey and J. Wilkins, Swansea ; B. Slater and B. Zimmermann, Stuttgart , The material of the Warwick conference held in Murray and Wilson , esp. Further important contributions to New Music: M. Revermann and P. Wilson, Oxford , —90; P.
Goldhill and R. Dougherty and L. Travel, Locality and Pan-Hellenism, eds. Hunter and I. Rutherford, Cambridge , 46—79; A. Osborn, Cambridge and New York , —; D. Fearn, Bacchylides. Power, The Culture of. Reading of the Aulos Revolution Deipnosophistae It is hardly possible to list them, particularly if we take the fragments into account cf. Conti Bizzarro, Poetica e critica letteraria nei frammenti dei poeti comici greci, Napoli , 31—33, 79—90, — On the musical literacy of the Athenian dramatic audience see M.
On the musical training of Athenian citizens: K. Dobrov ed. Metapoetical: E. Henderson considers , the hetaira interpretation unlikely. Zimmermann , 40, M. See Dobrov and Urios-Aparisi , — Trendall, ed. Bosher, Cambridge , — On the relationship of vase to theatre-production, see J. Earlier in the same vein: B. Slater, ed. Csapo and M. Csapo ; Taplin Csapo , is a fresh and detailed survey of the entire question with earlier bibliography and several interesting new hypotheses. Arguing or accepting that some, at least, of the South Italian comic scenes point to Greek comedies are with no pretence to exhaustiveness : Trendall , ; Green , 55, Green , ; Taplin , 30—54, 89—90; H.
Pugliese Carratelli, Milan , , ; Dearden , —46; A. See also: E. Csapo and W. It is still debated. Revermann , Taplin , 42; NP s. Phrynis; Storey , ; Csapo , Trendall writes RVP 64 and , that the Asteas vase reflects a comic version of the punishment of Phrynis by the Spartan ephor Ecprepes, who cut the extra strings off the lyre, reducing them to seven. For the anecdote: Plut. Agis The same anecdote is told of Timotheus Plut. De inst. Another version without mention of the punished musician says that the Argives established a fine for kithara-players using more than seven strings: Ps.
De mus. In detail, see Storey , , who gives references for all the themes mentioned briefly here. The fragments. On the latter question, see the survey of Storey , —21, and Storey , , note 5 with earlier bibliography. On the basic conceit of the play and the reconstruction of the plot, see Storey , and Revermann , —69 with earlier bibliography. The idea of a return from the Underworld appears in a Phrnyichus fragment fr. Zimmermann , See in general A. Motifs that connect the biographical or anecdotal traditions relating to particular tragic and comic poets to Sicily and Magna Graecia: i the given poet lived and was active in Sicily or South Italy as well as Athens, or came from the West to live in Athens; ii after successes in Athens he travelled to the West for one reason or another, where he again enjoyed success with patrons and audiences.
Recent discussions: Csapo , 85—87; 95—99; cf. Hugoniot, F.
Hurlet, and S. Milanezi, Tours , 56, 66—68; Taplin , 6—9; Walsh , , n. In other words, the Italic inhabitants of Apulia took only what they wanted from Greek culture and transformed it into something new that was uniquely their own. Ultimately, the message is that we should approach Apulian red-figure vases on their own terms. Herring and K. Lomas, London ; K. Lomas ed. The Cambridge Ancient History, vol.
Lewis et al. Whitehouse and J. Champion, London , — Tsetskhladze, Leiden and Boston , — On the name Posidonia-Paestum Paistano see Wonder , Dunbabin, The Western Greeks. On Greek subjects, see Wonder , 42 with further bibl. On the Sicilian background of the Paestan workshop, see A. Marconi, Leiden and Boston , ; Wonder , 43; Hughes , See Wonder , 45— A similar analysis with slightly different emphasis: Wonder 52, cf.
Hughes , —83 finds it unlikely that the travelling companies who found an enthusiastic paying audience for their productions along the Greek-speaking South-Italian littoral would have made such a lengthy detour to the north, or that the local Lucanian elites, however peaceful their co-existence with the local Greek population, would have supported Greek cultural events and festivals.
And since he thinks it impossible that his theatrical scenes were drawn after imported models, it seems to him most likely that Asteas brought the theatre, as a theme. Contra: Robinson , —06; Csapo , , note and below. On travelling theatrical companies, see Dearden , , —46; Taplin, On the three broad categories of mask-representation, see J.
See Green , Carpenter , 34 makes a statistical argument: of the 78 vases with comic scenes listed by Trendall, only 5 of the 19 kraters with known provenance come from Tarentum and the rest from Apulia, with 8 from Italic settlements—the balance in favour of the hinterland speaks for the Italic reception of Greek drama. Simon , On the specificity or particularity of comic scenes, see Taplin , In analysing the relationship of image and theatrical performance, one must distinguish between comedy and tragedy. Just as tragedy does not or very rarely does reflect on its own character as theatre, so the vase that consciously refers to a tragic performance does not, as a rule, foreground the theatrical context.
Tragedy does not break the dramatic illusion; the vase-painter does not break the mythological illusion. Taplin , On metatheatrical aspects of Greek drama, see G.
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The wooden stage is often visible; sometimes with stairs or a step-ladder; cf. Green , — See Carpenter and ; Robinson and Taplin 21; on the interest in Greek threatre among Italic elites in Apulia, see esp. Beim Budapester Schlachtsarkophag handelt es sich um einen Kasten, der an der Vorderseite mit einem aufwendigen Schlachtfries verziert ist. Die Nebenseiten und die zweite Langseite sind mit Reliefs verziert, die im sogleich folgenden Hauptteil des Beitrages behandelt werden.
Zuvor soll noch ein Blick in den Sarkophagkasten selbst geworfen werden Abb. Dieses zeigt in der Mitte innerhalb eines leicht erhabenen, fein bearbeiteten Randes eine nach vorn offene Kreisform, die die Position des Kopfes des in der Grablege Bestatteten markiert. Die Ausarbeitung der Reliefs, die in. Hier wurden auf den Nebenseiten also in eine einst. Hinzu kommt zur imposanten Gesamtwirkung der Ausfallschritt nach vorn. Die Angriffsaktion freilich hat keinen direkten Gegner. Sein Pferd sprengt nach rechts, folgt mit dem Kopf aber der Kampfrichtung seines Reiters.
Die hier vorhandenen Kampfmotive sind von antiken Schlachtsarkophagen8 gut bekannt. Dieser Gefallene erinnert sehr stark an die tote Amazone, die etwa in der Mitte des genannten s. Noch genauer kopiert diese Figur die gefallene Amazone auf dem Sarkophag im vatikanischen Belvedere Abb. Bei diesen sterbenden Galliern sind jeweils Details der Vorbilder auf Amazonen-Sarkophagen leicht variiert, z. Vielmehr ist die nachantike Produktion von Sarkophagreliefs anhand von weiteren.
Somit sind ihre Front- und Nebenseiten nach entstanden. Von drei Marmorsarkophagen in der Huntington-Stiftung in Pasadena wurde bislang nur einer publiziert. Im Vergleich mit den Nebenseiten des Budapester Sarkophages treten die motivischen Gemeinsamkeiten bis in Details sogleich klar vor Augen, nur geringe Variationen — ein zentrales Gorgoneion beim einen oder zwei statt einer Lanze beim anderen — sind zu beobachten.
Auch hier treten einige der bekannten Motivgruppen auf, die wir von der Sarkophagfront im Capitolinischen Museum kennen;. Dies kann wegen der Bekanntheit des vatikanischen Vorbildes seit dem Fehler in dem flachen, bisweilen Scherenschnitt-artig gearbeiteten Reliefzyklus Abb. An den Schmalseiten Abb. All diese Motive sind in der vorliegenden Form ohne antike Parallele. Vielmehr kann man es auch bei Grablegen mit anderer Motivik nachweisen.
An den Nebenseiten Abb. Department of Antiquities. Handbook of the Permanent Exhibition, Budapest , — Wir danken D. Koch — H. Sapelli, in A. Giuliano Hrsg. Le sculture I 3, Rom , 81 f. III 13 mit Abb. Arias — E. Cristani — E. Auf den Metopen des Rundmausoleums des L. Munatius Plancus in Gaeta findet man z. Moretti — D. Tardy Hrsg. Polito, Fregi dorici e monumenti funerari, in M.
Valenti Hrsg. I mausolei romani, tra commemorazione funebre e propaganda celebritiva, Atti del convegno di studi Monte Porzio Catone, Tuscolana 3 Rom , 23—34 mit Abb. Koch—Sichtermann a. Rom, Mus.
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Krierer, Sieg und Niederlage. Kistler, Funktionalisierte Keltenbilder. La Rocca — C. Parisi Presicce, Musei Capitolini 1. Le sculture del Palazzo Nuovo, Mailand , — Nr. O Anm. Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum Inv. Vatikan, Belvedere, Inv. Dazu s. Andreae a. Blackie, Combattimento di Romani e Barbari. Ramage Ithaca; Atnally Conlin Boulder; Atnally Conlin in ihrem Gutachten, das diese drei Seiten als unfertig charakterisiert. Bromberg teilt uns brieflich 3. Zum Motiv des Greifen auf antiken Sarkophagen s. Doheny zur Person s. Schon im Fittschen, Gnomon 44 , Stylistically, the early works are char- acterized by an acute, Caravaggesque attention to the surface and structure of his models and objects, tempered by an ap- preciation for the work of Annibale Carracci and Guido Reni; the increasing luminosity of his palette and the greater formal complexity of his later works is rooted in his study of the art of the sixteenth century, especially that of Titian — a process that is paralleled in Velazquez's development.
In his chalk drawings, he displays a propensity for academic refinement, but in his observation of quotidian actuality his pen work reveals a wry and cutting wit. The letter written by Lodovico Carracci to the Roman collector Ferrante Carlo is precious not only because it testifies to the esteem accorded the Parma Saint Martin by the doyen of Bolognese painting, but also be- cause it states that Lodovico had been impressed by the opin- ions "li pareri" that Ribera had expressed about the pictures in Carlo's collection.
According to Jusepe Martinez's ac- count of his meeting with the artist in Naples in , Ribera declared that he "meditated" on the works of the great mas- ters of the sixteenth century, especially Raphael, adding that the painter who did not do so would easily founder. Documents also shed light on Ribera's personal relations with his artist colleagues and demonstrate that the artistic com- munity of early seventeenth-century Naples was a close-knit group bound by family ties and friendships. Ribera's alliance with Azzolino — a successful painter and sculptor who had been established in Naples for many years — through his marriage with his daughter Caterina must surely have neutralized a whole range of potential threats to a successful career, even if the Spaniard did have the viceroy's protection from an early date.
The poor relationship with the former is attested to only in the secondary sources; the documents say nothing about it. Perhaps Ribera's relationship with Caracciolo would be better described as one of rivalry rather than enmity, since eight years later thev stood together as witnesses to the marriage of Do. Antonio Giordano was the father of the better-known Luca, who would later be trained by Ribera. It was valued at the substantial sum of ducats.
Thanks to the legal proceedings initiated against the artist bv Cristoforo Papa to recover a sum advanced to him in for a painting of the Nativity, which bv had not vet been deliv- ered, three letters written bv Papa to Ribera have been pre- served in the State Archives in Naples, among the records of the court case. The three letters inform us about a whole group of paintings made for Sicilian patrons, none of which, unfortunately can be identified today. The court papers do not state how che case was resolved, and we do not know if the work was completed. The papers relating to Ribera's work for the Certosa di San Martino in Naples are preserved in the State Archives in the Suppressed Monasteries sections Among them are some five copies with slight differences between them j of the list of payments made to the painter.
They show that occasionally he was paid in kind, with wheat, wine ' once with two barrels of the Vesuvian wine, Lacnma Christn, and other provisions. The three letters written by the painter to the prior of the Certosa in 1 show in a most poignant fash- ion how much his prestige had fallen and how poor his financial circumstances had become.
There he appears as a disdainful and arrogant man whose reprehensible behavior fully merited the loss of family honor that followed the seduction of his daughter by the swashbuckling roval bastard, Don Juan of Austria. The monks of the Certosa di San Martino, on the other hand, describe him as "a pious person, friendly with the religious, who always be- haved with love and generosity toward the Church. Despite the good things said by the monks of San Martino, we may still find it a little surprising that Cosimo del Sera characterized Ribera as an "extremely modest man.
In he was made a knight of the Order of Christ of Portugal,? It is not unreasonable to sup- pose that what he really desired were the insignia of one of the Spanish military orders, probably that of Santiago, and that the genealogical document sent by the secretary of the Holy Office in Jativa, Juan Bautista Marti, to the Inquisitor General in a document that was mistranscribed and misinterpreted by San Petrillo when he published it in represents a preliminary step in Riberas unsuccessful attempt to obtain a Spanish knighthood.
Mariette had seen a letter that the painter had pur- portedly given to a certain Monsieur Langlois "in which he requested that he [Langlois] should find out if in the diocese of Ausch [sic] there were people who bore the name de la Riviere so that Lo Spagnoletto could associate them with his own fam- ily in order to magnify its glory. M 56 I t j s true tnat tne Vatican committee that had approved his admittance to the Order of Christ had declared him to be "born of noble stock,"57 but this was nothing more than a documentary formula, and, as we know from the case of Velazquez, the Council of Orders in Madrid demanded much more than hearsay or formulas by way of proof.
None of Ribera s sons became painters, and none of his daughters married painters, as did the daughters of Azzolino, Filippo Vitale, and, in Spain, Velazquez. Might these facts perhaps indicate a certain disdain on Ribera's part toward his own profession, an attitude that was not untypical of contemporary Spanish society?
Probably not, at least if we believe that De Dominici's account of a prank Ribera played on two Spanish officers accurately reflects the artist s attitudes. De Dominici relates that one day these two officers, who often visited the artist, were in his studio discussing alchemy, the philosopher's stone, and the secret of making gold. Ribera, exasparated by their futile and ridiculous arguments, told them that he knew the secret and that if they returned the following morning he would make them party to it. The next day they found him at work on a half-length painting of Saint John the Baptist.
When he had completed it, he sent an apprentice to deliver the picture to a certain knight. The apprentice returned with a small paper packet. Ribera invited the two officers, who could not bear to wait any longer, to observe the magic opera- tion. He opened up the packet and threw ten gold doubloons sent by the knight on to a table, exclaiming, "Here's how well I know how to make gold!
What alchemy, what gold, what stone? DA, June ii, 1. According to an unpublished two-volume manuscript by Enrico Scarabelli-Zunti, entitled "Documenti e memorie di belle arti parmigiane dall'anno all'anno 18 5 1. XVI questa piccola chiesa tre altari, uno dei quali mantenuto da una Confraternita laica [che] nel commise al pittore Giuseppe Ribera detto lo Spagnoletto, giunto allora in Parma a studiare le opere deH'immortale Allegri, quella stupenda pala esprimente S.
Martino che divide il mantello per coprire la nudita del povero. In the sixteenth century, this small church had three altars, one of which was maintained by a lay confraternity [that] in commis- sioned from the painter Giuseppe Ribera, known as Lo Spagnoletto, who was then in Parma to study the works of the immortal Allegri, that stupendous altarpiece which shows Saint Martin dividing his cloak to cover a poor man s nakedness.
The young and almost unknown artist was paid only lire [sic] and one soldo for the picture, when today it would be worth thousands! For the subsequent history of the Saint Martin, see Cordaro Celano , vol. Prota-Giurleo , p. As I have attempted to show in the first chapter of my doctoral thesis on Ribera, which I am in the course of writing at the Courtauld Insti- tute of Art, University of London.
Nappi ; Delfino , , DA, July 21, ; see De Vito As early as , Doria referred to Azzolino as ''compare," a term of familial affection; see Pacelli , p. Perhaps the payment made to Ribera on October 26, , by Pier Capponi and Cosimo del Sera see DA for that date , relates to the painting commissioned by the grand duke.
DA, December 20, i6? Monterrey became viceroy of Naples in May i6;l DA, May 7 , and April 20, See Felton De Dominici , vol. DA, February 12, ; alternatively, it may represent payment lor the three paintings of saints that Ribera is recorded as having painted for Osuna in a letter from Del Sera to Cioli, written three weeks earlier, for which see DA, January 23, The paintings referred to are prob- ably identical with three of those at Osuna, for which see Finaldi DA, January 23, , and March 6, 1 See Finaldi DA, February 11, A fragment of another letter, perhaps a first draft of a letter written to Antonio Ruffo, is on the back of a drawing in the Uffizi S; the so-called Christ Recognized by the Apostles.
DA, December 11, Martinez , p. DA, October 7 ; September 22, , DA, May 3, DA, after September 6, 1. DA, after The document was published by Faraglia , who thought that it dated from Trapier , p. The document must date from between and because Stanzione was in Rome from until 16 ]o and Finoglia was in Conversano after DA, June 13, Sandrart , p. Bellon , p. DA, November 10, DA, November 7, Also see the biography of Luca Giordano published by Ceci in , p. Parronchi , pp.
The work was begun in late February Reference is made to it in an unpublished letter from Vincenzo Vettori, Florentine agent in Naples from to , to the grand duke s secretary, Andrea Cioli Archivio di Stato, Florence; Mediceo , July 24, The letter also mentions another figure in wax that Vettori was presenting to Cioli: "Havendo cavata dalle mani al famoso Giulio di Grazia, che fece il Giuditio di Paride per Sua Altezza Serenissima, una delle sue figurine di cera, non ho saputo bene meglio collocarla che nelle mani di Vostra Signoria Unpublished letter from the secretary of the duke of Alcala to the duke's agent in Naples, Sancho de Cespedes, October 3, Su Excelencia holgana mucho de tener algunos dias en Palermo a Julio de Gratis el que labra de cera para cjue le labrase alguna cosa i para verle hazer el Azul Ultramarino como ya le hizo otra vez delante de Su Excelencia en Napoles en castelnovo, tratarlo con el Sancho de Cespedes Advirtiendo que ha de ser con much gusto del giulio assegurandole cjue se le dara para la benida i vuelta que el tiempo que aqui quisiere detenerse se la dara posada 1 todo lo nezessario i quando se buelva se le regalara muy a su satisfacjon i si pareciere assentar primero lo que ha de ser se le podria offrezer cien ducados si se le tubiese un mes i ducientos si se tubiese dos i esto demas de pagarle la venida y buelta i toda la costa de lo que se tubiere si quisiere venir.
Se le odra advertir que traiga algun poco de lapis lazuli que no se si hallara aqui. His Excellency would be very pleased to have Giulio de Grazia, the man who works in wax, in Palermo for a few days so that he might make something for him, and to observe him making the Ultramarine Blue, as he did before in His Excellency's presence, in Naples in Castel Nuovo. Sancho de Cespedes should arrange it with him, ensuring that everything be to Giulio's satisfaction, assuring him that he will be compensated for his outward and return journey and that for the time he wishes to remain here he will be given lodgings and everything else that is necessary and when he returns he will be rewarded to his satisfaction; and if first he wishes to confirm what he will receive he can be offered a hundred ducats if he stays for a month and two hundred if he stays for two, and this in addition to payment of his return journey and all his expenses if he chooses to come.
He may be well advised to bring a little lapis lazuli because I'm not sure if it can be found here [Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional; MS. I54v-i5 5r]. Giulio de Grazia's response must have been conditional, because in early November the duke of Alcala wrote to Cespedes saying: "He visto lo que rresponde Julio de Gratis i ya os dixe que en proponerle la venida habia de ser hallando el mucha conveniencia i con comodidad en ella" I have seen what Giulio de Grazia replies and, as I already told you, in proposing his visit here it should be to his convenience and advantage [fol.
Ruotolo , p. As early as , Giulio de Grazias name appears in connection with Azzolino's when the latter cedes a credit note for ducats given to Azzolino bv Lanfranco Massa, on behalf of Marcantonio Doria to Giulio, for which see Pacelli , p. DA, November 3, ; August 13, ; and April 14, ASN, Monasteri Soppressi , fols. DA, June 20, 1; June 23, ; and September 6, DA, June 29, See Perez Sanchez 1. The object of Don Juan's seduction would appear to have been a niece and not a daughter of Jusepe de Ribera.
DA, December 12, DA, September 16, DA, May 1, DA, DA, January 29, In the portrait of Magdalena Ventura. DA Elena Postigo Casteilanos of the Universidad Autonoma in Madrid author of the interesting studv entitled Honor y privikgio en hi corona dc Castilla [Almazan, ] ; informs me that it was normal proce- dure for those from little-known families who aspired to a Spanish knighthood to be asked for a "cursus honorum," which usually in- cluded as a primary element a "familiatura" of the Inquisition.
This was a formal statement of adherence to the Holy Office. The document quoted in DA may, in fact, represent part of the request for such a "familiatura. For Francois Langlois, called Ciartres, see Brown We do not know how long Lo Spagnoletto a nickname he was al- ready known by and his future father-in-law had known each other, but there is no reason not to suppose that their rela- tionship was recent in formation and that it followed Riberas arrival in Naples from Rome, where he is last documented in May 1 61 6.
Nonetheless, the possibility cannot be excluded that their acquaintance went back to an earlier, undocumented trip by Ribera to Naples. In any case, the marriage to Azzolino s daughter marks the beginning of a new stage in the life of the Valencian painter.
The change occasioned by his move to Na- ples and his abandonment of the bohemian life that he had enjoyed in Rome are pointed out by his first biographer, Giulio Mancini, in a text written about M [In Naples] he married one of his [Azzolino s] daughters and, doing various works with his usual felicitous manner, he was introduced to the viceroy. As a result, he lives in that city, still spending his usual amount and that extra that a wife and honourable appearance at court necessitates; nonetheless, having left the wastrels [sparapani], given his speed of working together with his han- dling of paint [colorito] and good judgment, his earnings are enough to maintain the splendour of his life.
There is, indeed, a continuity between what Ribera painted in Rome and what he would paint "with his usual felicitous man- ner 1 ' during his early years in Naples, and it is no easy task to distinguish between Riberas style before and after his arrival. If we take as a comparative point of reference , the year in which the tercentenary of the artist's death was commemo- rated, it becomes apparent that the research of the last few decades has produced very significant clarifications of Ribera's activity in Italy before he arrived in Naples in We now know that the move from Spain to Italy had occurred by , the date of the Saint Martin Sharing His Cloak with a Beggar, which he painted for the Church of San Prospero in Parma the work has been lost, but copies and an etching have been preserved; see fig.
Yet our knowledge of Ribera s pre-Italian period is still almost nonexistent: We know nothing certain about him from the time of his birth in Jativa in to his appearance in Parma in This leaves much room for con- jecture, but since not all the hypotheses that have been formu- lated have taken into proper account the known facts, these should be examined in some detail. Some scholars, such as August Mayer and Neil MacLaren, expressed reservations regarding the reliability of these baptismal and marriage documents.
And if that incontrovertible verification were not enough, a curious genealogy that was uncovered by Baron de San Petrillo 6 and dated by a notary of the Secretariat of the Inquisition resident in Jativa identifies the shoemaker Simon Ribera as the father of the insigne pintor celebrated painter , confirming what we already knew from the parish records of that city.
He was, rather, born into the family of a shoemaker, the trade attrib- uted to Simon Ribera in the oldest of the cited documents that refer to him, that of his marriage in to Margarita Cuco, his first wife and the mother of Lo Spagnoletto. He is also described as a shoemaker in his second marriage and in his third marriage in to the daughter of another shoemaker.
It should be remembered that Jativa — the Iberian Saiti, the Roman Saetabis — is a city with a long history; raised to an episcopal see during the Visigothic period, conquered by the Moslems in the tenth century, it is the oldest documented about center of paper manufacture in Western Europe. Fernand Braudel quotes the lapidary phrase of the arch- bishop of Valencia, Saint Juan de Ribera, the zealous promoter of the expulsion of the Moriscos , who said, when he saw them leaving: "Who will make our shoes for us now?
It was therefore plausible to cautiously propose an identification of Ribera s father with that Simone Rivera or de Ribera. But with the solid information on the obscure Valencian shoemaker now in our possession, this identification now seems highly improbable. This is surely a double?
It was the family name of people of the highest rank, including viceroys, the count of Olivares it was his mother's family name , and the duke of Alcala — with all the consequent gathering of relatives with the same name around them — the admiral Fran- 10 cisco de Ribera and the actress Antonia Ribera who caused so many problems for another viceroy, a protector of Lo Spagnoletto, the count of Monterrey , and others whose biog- raphies escape us but who are buried in the churches of San- tiago, Monteoliveto, and Santo Spirito and are mentioned in registry documents.
Jativa was the home of the Borjas, or Borgias Calixtus III and Alexander VI, the only Spanish popes except for the anti- pope Benedict XIII, were born there , among other distin- guished families, and it once had an artistic patrimony much richer than the one it now possesses. Its architecture suffered a severe blow with the demolition ordered by Philip V in retalia- tion for the city's having favored the archduke Charles in the War of the Spanish Succession Equally or even more unfortunate was the massive destruction during the Spanish Civil War of more than two hundred altarpieces and paintings that made Jativa a museum of primitive art, as Elfas Tormo entitled his study of this subject.
These names also make it pat- ently clear that in this field Jativa was an appendage of the city of Valencia, situated some fifty kilometers away. The shoemak- er's son must have gone there at an early age to initiate or continue his apprenticeship as a painter. That Jusepe Ribera would go to work in the capital is not only a logical deduction, it is also supported by information concerning his brother Juan, about whom only two biographi- cal notices subsequent to his birth are known: in he was in Rome, living with his brother Jusepe, and in he appeared in Naples, again living in his brother s house.
Juan Ribera inter- vened as a witness for Adott, declaring that he himself was a "Spaniard of the city of Valencia" and that he knew Adott "as a compatriot, who lived on the same street in Valencia. Juan Ribera s statement clearly implies a long residence in what he says is his native city. And since everything else we know about him — his profession, his presence in Rome and in Naples — suggests that he followed in Jusepe s footsteps, we can assume that they also lived together for a time in the city of Valencia. Having lost their mother and then their stepmother at an early age and undoubtedly having relatives in the capital Simon Ribera and his father came from the suburban district of Ruzafa , perhaps they left Jativa while still quite young.
Palomino, whose Lives was published in , was the first to write that Lo Spagnoletto had been a pupil of Francisco Ribalta. This notion was undisputed except implicitly by the spurious story of De Dominici and those who repeated it until the middle of our century. Nothing seemed more logical, in fact, than to accept an idea that established a direct connection be- tween the two greatest personalities of the seventeenth century in Valencia although one was an immigrant and the other emigrated elsewhere.
But a brief analysis of Palomino's text shows that his information was extremely deficient. Whereas he assures us that Francisco Ribalta "studied the art of painting in Italy; some say in the school of Annibale [Carracci], but more in the works of Raphael," in another passage he includes "Ribalta the Valencian" among the Spanish painters who became fa- mous without having to study in Italy. This enormous distor- tion of such basic historical facts is only one of the reasons obliging us to mistrust the Spanish Vasari with regard to the specific information that now concerns us.
Still, there is reason to consider that he may have received it from a trustworthy source, for example, his conversations with Luca Giordano. This is not easy to verify, but in the final analysis what really matters is something else: can specific links be detected be- tween Ribera's painting and that of Francisco Ribalta or any other artist active in Valencia during the first decade of the seventeenth century? Mayer and Tormo gave an affirmative re- sponse to this question, believing that the Ribalta-Ribera con- nection is supported by the evidence of style.
However, we are now more familiar with the evolution of Francisco Ribalta,' 6 who only after 5 entered his last and highest phase, one that justifies including him among the great Spanish painters of his century. It is a phase in which — parallel to his precocious son Juan and perhaps stimulated by him — Francisco begins to show the results of the fertile contact with the naturalistic, Caravaggesque current that has led even the most competent critics to argue whether a painting like the Ramon Lhdl in the Barcelona museum should be attributed to him or to Velazquez in his Sevillan period in my opinion, the issue is not yet set- tled.
The Ribalta with whom Ribera would have worked ad- hered to the heterogeneous Mannerist style of those painters who worked in the Escorial, with hints ranging from Sebastiano del Piombo to engravings from the North, none of which ap- pears in the production of his presumptive pupil.
The affinity between the two should be sought in more general characteris- tics: expressive rigor, intensity, and a certain inclination toward a direct approach to reality, traits typical of Mannerism as prac- ticed at the Escorial and a more reformed style. They appear very early in the work of Ribalta. But these traits are not un- common to other Valencian masters of the time, such as Vicente Requena and Juan Sarinena. On the other hand, when we con- sider the realist orientation of a young Valencian of the time, we must also remember the paintings recently brought from Italy by the archbishop-patriarch Juan de Ribera, which in- cluded a Martyrdom of Saint Mauro by Giovanni Baglione and especially a copy of the Crucifixion of Saint Peter by Caravaggio.
It is in no way surprising that Riberas later production 18 does not permit us to infer his first steps in painting. This is, in fact, frequently the case among the young foreign painters in Rome who converted to the naturalist novus ordo of Caravaggio. In that conversion, all signs of their former stylistic identities were considerably weakened or canceled out altogether.
To cite a concrete example, this occurred to such significant French artists who were contemporaries of Lo Spagnoletto in Rome as Valentin and Simon Vouet. And with others, even determining their country of origin is problematic — for example, the so- called Master of the Judgment of Solomon and the "Pensionante del Saraceni," whose real names we do not even know, and Cecco del Caravaggio, who has been considered Flemish, French, or Spanish and who, it seems, is really an Italian.
It is, of course, possible, even probable, that he made the trip via Naples, where for the first time he could see original works by Caravaggio and Caravaggio himself and come into contact with such followers of the master as Carlo Sellitto and Filippo Vitale more than Caracciolo , and with his future father-in-law, Azzolino, who was also curious, albeit at a dis- tance and intermittently, about the naturalist vein.
The date of his voyage to Italy has to be close to The document reveals that at the age of twenty Ribera was already a painter held in high esteem, a foreigner who, in a center like Parma, with its rich artistic tradition, was entrusted with the realization of an altar painting on public view.
This work by the young Spaniard would be repeatedly praised in the local literature, reproduced in prints, and included among the best paintings that could be seen in the city. The very fact that the French under Napoleon a dded it to their rich pictorial booty is clear evidence of how highly it was valued. In it he refers to "those painters of excellent taste, particularly that Spanish painter who holds fast to the school of Caravaggio. If he is the one who painted a Saint Martin in Parma and stayed with Sig.
Mario Farnese, one should be on guard and keep one's wits lest poor Lodovico be consigned to the provinces. The challenge that Lodovico Carracci joked about was apparently taken more seriously by other colleagues, and Mancini explains that Ribera "while still quite young, having journeyed through Lombardy to see the work of those able men. Not until the final stage of his life, with the Equestrian Portrait of Don Juan of Austria, would the Valencian master paint another horse, which appears to move toward the viewer somewhat obliquely, according to a compositional formula with some old anteced- ents for this subject.
But if we compare Ribera's picture with earlier paintings that present similar images of horses — works by Pordenone, El Greco, Rubens, and even Ribalta, in his Saint James the Moor-Killer in Algemesi, which Ribera could have seen — this robust horse in Parma is distinguished by the naturalness and elegance of its gait and by a light that, together with the realistic drawing of the beggar with the wooden leg and crutch and the figure type of the young saint wearing a cap, seems to reveal a certain familiarity with Caravaggesque painting.
Ribera s 12 stav in Parma, then, would not have been a stop on the wav from Spain to Rome but rather a journev undertaken later, atter his arrival in Rome. In the article cited above, Michele Cordaro has also suggested, on the basis of the relationship between Mario Farnese and the sculptor Francesco Mochi, that Ribera and his Parmesan protector probably met in Rome. Regarding Ribera in Rome, attention must be called to an important chronological tact that has not been mentioned in the relevant literature until now.
Thanks to the research of Jeanne Chenault, we now know about three archival documents that refer to Ribera's presence in Rome. It should be noted that Giulio Mancini records in his Consideration! The third document is from the archive of the Accademia di San Luca and states that on May 7 the last known date of the painter in Rome i, "Giosephe Riviera" gave the academy "as alms promised at other times, two scudos," the payment of a debt that leads to the assumption that the painter was already preparing to leave for Naples. Now, neither Chenault nor anyone else I know of has no- ticed that G.
Hoogewerff published this document from the Accademia di San Luca more than half a century ago. What is more, at the same time the Dutch scholar reviewed another unpublished document from the same archive by means of which we learn that Ribera was already living in Rome in 3. Regarding Ribera's stay in Rome, Mancini wrote a brief but illuminating eyewitness account only some four years after the artist left the city. When he arrived in Rome, Ribera "worked for a daily wage for those who have workshops and sell paintings through the labours of similar young men," but "comporting himself well, he made his talents known, and came into a great reputation with a very great profit.
Although some scholars have expressed reserva- tions, these Five Senses are undoubtedly the same series praised by Giulio Mancini and therefore belong to the Roman period, no later than The catalogue of Ribera's work of that decade is now fairly large. In addition to other previously un- known works, it includes those that for some time had been attributed to Ribera but that were not recognized as definitely his.
Only now do conditions allow us to ascribe these works to Ribera with certainty. The restora- tion of the paintings in the Colegiata of Osuna and their publication by Alfonso E. Perez Sanchez 2 9 have been of special importance.
Still, a firm chronological sequence within that pe- riod has yet to be established. The Five Senses had been assigned an approximate dating of based on the aforementioned documents. But now, with Ribera's presence in Rome amended to at least , the possi- bility that this series is earlier must be entertained, challenging the groundless idea that Ribera adopted this splendid naturalis- tic style after the Northern Caravaggisti with whom he formed friendships and whose approximate dates of arrival in Rome are known. Baburen arrived about , Honthorst about , and the Frenchmen Valentin and Vouet arrived about , as probably did the Master of the Judgment of Solomon and Cecco del Caravaggio, The Five Senses are admirable both for their superb picto- rial qualities and for their absolutely innovative iconographic treatment apparently for the first time in European art, this traditional allegorical theme is resolved in a naturalistic key, with highly polemical accents, such as the onion cut in half instead of the flower to symbolize smell.
They impress us with their elevation of ordinary people from the poor districts to protagonists who are captured with truthful individuality, ex- pressing a range of moods and humors, from the heartbreaking pathos of the blind man to poverty borne with smiling uncon- cern. Allied to this straightforward approach is a learned touch: we have in this series, if I am not mistaken, the first telescope represented in a painting, a telescope that seems copied from reality with its gold incrustations meticulously described.
Perhaps it is more than mere coincidence that Galileo, who was the friend of painters and who had recently invented his revolutionary in- strument, was in Rome in and again in Recent literature on Velazquez has paid scant attention to the problem of his possible connection, in his early stages, to Caravaggesque painting. In the latest monograph, for example, the matter is disposed of in a few lines. Aside from the fact that only one of them, the Crucifixion, was gener- ally accepted as original, their chronology seemed, and in fact is, irrelevant to an examination of Velazquez's formation.
The same is not true of the Five Senses, however, whose powerful, direct manner of painting presents the closest analogy to the early Velazquez. This series was painted for a Spaniard and in Spain, in fact, several old copies are preserved , and its dating means that the paintings could have been available to the infal- lible eye of the future painter of Las meninas. And what is true of the Five Senses is, to some degree, also true of other pieces by Ribera at the time, such as the splendid Democritusi 1 cat. Certainly nothing had been painted in Italy or Spain that an- nounces more closely the style of the supreme Sevillan painter in his early years.
I believe that an unpublished Smiling Geographer fig. The picture is known to me only through a mediocre photograph that bears the stamp F. If we consider conception, quality, the modeling of the face and hands, the beautiful still life, and expressive content, an attribution to the Valencian master during his time in Rome or at the beginning of his stay in Naples seems clear. Prudence dictates leaving until after the exhibition, which will facilitate direct comparisons, the delicate problem of the Deposition of Christ cited by Mancini, which I am more and more inclined to identify with the beautiful Burial of Christ in the Louvre.
Jusepe de Ribera, The Smiling Geographer. Whereabouts unknown intensity comparable to his most celebrated later creations. There is even greater reason to postpone any reference to the Martyr- dom of Saint Lawrence, an important invention by Ribera, known in the past through multiple unsigned copies.
Nevertheless, studying photographs of the works confirms my old impression, obtained from some of the copies, beginning with the one in the Vatican Pinacoteca, that the origi- nal redaction must belong to the Roman period and is, per- haps, the oldest from this time that we know today. The composition is organized on the front plane, with a few motifs arranged in a circle around a central void and little internal unity between forms and expressive content.
It is a composition of a certain crudity and rigidity, which in itself points to its being an early work. Some of those motifs appear indepen- dently in other, surely later works by Ribera: we find the man carrying wood transformed into a wine bearer in the Drunken Silenus of cat. The saint, in a transport of ecstasy — perhaps inspired by Reni — is certainly almost inter- changeable with the Saint Sebastian in Osuna, which led Spinosa to place the creation of the Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence to about More useful for an inquiry into chronology is the motif of the reflection of fire on the face, a type of experimentation with light found in Venetian painting.
The possibility that Ribera had already seen an example in Spain cannot be excluded in the Boy with a Firebrand by El Greco, which was in the posses- sion of the patriarch Juan de Ribera, or in some work by Ribalta inspired by Luca Cambiaso , but it was in vogue among such Caravaggesque painters in Rome as Elsheimer, Saraceni, Honthorst, and others. It is a motif that Ribera would not touch on again, except in the Ixion cat. Finally, we wish to point out a Caravaggesque echo: the placement and posture of the boy gathering up the deacons garments seem to point to Caravaggio s Flagellation in Naples, but his physical type testifies to the earlier, Roman work of Caravaggio.
Concrete references to Caravaggio are rare in Lo Spagnoletto, and, not surprisingly, they appear at the time when Caravaggio's impact was at its height. Perhaps the most moving of these is in the Saint Matthew cat. Our ignorance regarding the early years of one of the greatest painters bred by Spain and Italy is so considerable that we must console ourselves with these shreds of information until more significant discoveries are made. See Ferrante ; Ferrante ; De Vito , pp. Ribera was already in Naples in July of 16 16; the contracts for his marriage are dated November Mancini , p.
Vines Mayer, under "Ribera" in Thieme-Becker, vol. In Mayer , the last publication in which Mayer referred to the issue of Ribera's birth, he indicated, with some question, the date 15 and said that Ribera was apparently of a noble family. MacLaren , p, 55, and MacLaren and Braham , p. Chenault San Petrillo De Dominci , while being the principal source of the history of Neapolitan painting in the seventeenth century, is, in actuality, danger- ous to use due to the large amount of erroneous data it contains.
For instance, it states that Ribera was born in Italy — in Gallipoli — but that he proclaimed himself Spanish in order to ingratiate himself with the rulers of Naples. X-XIl' Madrid, , vol. Regarding the Moriscos, there are abundant references to Jativa in: Pascual Boronat, Los moriscos espanoles y sit expulsion Valencia, j; T. Cordaro ; Sarthou Carreres , p. Salazar , pp. I refer to the evidently erroneous identification of Lo Spagnoletto with the person cited in a document from with the name "D. Gio: de riviera Canco [canonico]" see Chenault ;.
With regard to hom- onyms, I will indicate another case: a Jeronimo de Ribera wrote a sonnet in Tuscan dedicated to Quevedo on the occasion of the great Castilian writer's arrival in Naples see Elias de Tejada , vol. It may be that this Jeronimo de Ribera is none other than Jusepes older brother, with whom he lived in Rome in 5, as has been noted above and about whom we have no further knowledge. Tormo y Monzo Prota-Giurleo , pp.
Palomino de Castro y Velasco , pp. Benito , with pertinent bibliography; also Ainaud de Lasarte See Benito The date of the arrival in Valencia of these paintings is not certain, but they were acquired by the founder of the cited Colegio Real de Corpus Christi, the archbishop-patriarch Juan de Ribera, who died in 1. I know of only one attribution to Ribera prior to the trip to Italy, advanced with little conviction by Ponz "thev might be"j, of certain portraits whose whereabouts are unknown today but were in the Tem- ple de Valencia Ponz , vol.
See Gianni Papi in Florence , p. See "Battistello e gli altri; II primo tempo della pittura caravaggesca a Napoli," a dense study by Ferdinando Bologna, in Naples , pp. Concerning Azzolino and the echoes of Caravaggio in his painting, see Ferrante and The important date of 1 was discovered by M. In part because of how it is formulated, I do not believe that the following information credited to L. For the text referring to Ribera also see Milicua Malvasia , p.
Chenault , Hoogewerff 3, pp. The publication of these documentary references has passed unnoticed because of the rareness of the book, which is also dedicated, as stated in its title, to artists and scholars of the Netherlands. Strangely enough, Hoogewerff himself, who thirty years later would dedicate a study to a theme closely related to Ribera Hoogewerff , did not realize that those documents corresponded in fact to the Spanish painter.
Searching for Netherlanders in the ar- chives, of whom he found many, he believed that this "Riviera" a frequent deformation of the name "Ribera" in Italian documents; we need go no further than what we have seen in the Roman parish regis- ters of and also came from the North, and laconically anno- tated the dates, saying that they possibly referred to a Fleming "mogelijk von een Vlaming zijn kan". Such a proposed identification of origin is explained by the existence of an important sculptor of the same name, Egidio della Riviera, the literally translated name by which Gillis Van den Vliete a native of Malinas who died in Rome in was known in Italy.
The archive of the Accademia di San Luca according to Hoogewerff s own book also records, between and , as an aggregato member of the Accademia, a certain Giovanni della Riviera, a gilder and seller of paintings "indoratore," "bottegaro," "rivenditore" j, whose name in his native country must have been Jan Van den Vliete or Jean de la Riviere, for on one occasion he is mentioned as "Giovanni Fiammingo.
I am happy at this point to thank my friend, the English Hispanist Philip Troutman, for his help in the study of this question. Longhi Mayer attributed it to Novelli, and Trapier accepted the attribution to Douffet. Recently, Benedict Nicolson Nicolson , vol. In a review of the Fort Worth Ribera exhibi- tion Mallory , its attribution to Ribera was rejected with negligi- ble arguments. I believe that this Saint Peter and Saint Paul in Strasbourg, of which copies exist in Spain, is probably the same one that had been in the Monastery of the Escorial, registered under the name of Ribera, and that it was given to General Desolles in during the Napoleonic occupation see de Andres , p.
Perez Sanchez Brown , pp. Spinosa , vol. Bologna's attribution to Ribera is indicated by Spinosa, who shares it, in Perez Sanchez and Spinosa , no. Nicholson , vol. Craig Felton Felton suggests that both paintings are Ribera autographs; Bologna Naples has attributed the example in Kan- sas City to Ribera, while Nicolson , p. The catalogue by Spinosa Perez Sanchez and Spinosa , cat. Evidently it would be verv useful to be able to examine the two canvases side bv side.
Nicola Spinosa, in Perez Sanchez and Spinosa , cat. Piero Corsini, in Naples , pp. Although Naples no longer enjoyed the favored conditions that had prevailed during the reigns of Alfonso and Ferrante of Aragon, it was one of the most celebrated and mythical places on the Italian peninsula, for both its rustic beauties and its many associations with ancient culture. Moreover, in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, there began an ambitious series of building projects that transformed the city from a medieval town into a vast urban center — one of the largest in Europe — with all of the traits of a modern metropolis.
Within the span of just a few years, artists and craftsmen, often of the highest caliber, arrived from all parts of Europe — from nearby Rome and more distant Florence and Bergamo; from Lorraine in northeastern France and from Flanders and the Low Countries — reestablishing that cosmopolitan climate of ex- change and intense artistic activity that had existed during the years of Aragon rule. Caravaggio had stayed in Naples in an d again in , leaving behind works of extraordinary intensity that ex- erted a profound influence on the young generation of paint- ers, provoking a break with the prevailing norms of late- Mannerist and Counter- Reformation trends.
In the brief period from the first to the second decades of the seventeenth century, these artists progressed with dizzying speed through a sometimes breathless experimentation with Caravaggesque paint- ing, renouncing or distancing themselves from the stylistic preferences of their immediate past. What with all the building activity, it would have been only natural for Ribera to expect commissions when he arrived in mid Juscpe dc Ribera, San Gennaro Emerging Unharmed from the Furnace, Cappella del Tesoro di San Gennaro, Naples Osuna, or perhaps having come at the duke's invitation he may have known the duke in Rome, where Osuna was Spanish ambassador to the Holy See , Ribera found extremely favor- able conditions for employment by the local nobility, particu- larly the Spanish aristocrats and entrepreneurs who resided in Naples on this, see the essay by Perez Sanchez in this vol- ume.
Ribera also came in contact with those artists who had been carrying out their own experiments after the example of Caravaggio, with results that were similar in their luministic intensity and bold naturalism to those that he had arrived at during his stay in Rome. However, as events would have it, the beginnings of Ribera s long activity in Naples coincided with an incipient crisis in the naturalistic experiments of the preceding decade.
Carlo Sellitto died prematurely in , having produced only a few canvases that reveal a convincing and unambiguous adhesion to Caravaggio's naturalism. After , he re- turned to Naples, where he painted works that, despite distant echoes of Caravaggio, are conspicuous for their studied monu- mentally and an increasingly abstract, unreal beauty: works that are openly antinaturalistic and rigorously neo-Mannerist, with the appearance of deliberately composed reliefs of pre- cious but gelid polychrome marble. His was the ultimate, ex- tremely refined voice of a waning period of rarefied pictorial intellectualism, which, precisely because of its rare intensity and exclusiveness, was destined to remain an isolated event, without sequel.
Aside from various foreigners, mostly northerners from Flanders and Lorraine, only Filippo Vitale remained from the early generation of Neapolitan Caravaggesque painters. Theirs were dec- orative paintings, lacking in new ideas and yet very popular.
To Ribera, whose eyes and mind were still fresh with those superb examples of painting as "truth" provided by the sorrowful humanity of Caravaggio 's canvases in Santa Maria del Popolo and San Luigi dei Francesi in Rome, Naples must have seemed to lag seriously behind; this despite the fact that Caravaggio's Seven Acts of Mercy in the Pio Monte della Misericordia and the Flagellation in San Domenico provided consistent reference points for his vision.
Ribera surely responded to the chiaroscuro and modern naturalism of the Caravaggesque works of Battistello, Sellitto, and the young Vitale, and it must have seemed to him that these works were strangely ignored by other Neapolitan painters. In Naples, Ribera s path could not help but be the same as in Rome, where, with his "companions of the street" — most of them, like himself, young foreigners — he had made fun and revelry in the area of Via Margutta and the Campo dei Fiori, the Via della Croce and Piazza del Popolo.
Like him, these painter-companions had found in the example of Caravaggio the means of giving a quality of concrete reality to their subjects and an air of truthfulness to the most hidden aspects of the mind, sometimes pushing their results to a heavy physicality and ruthless realism. So intertwined is the late Roman phase of Riberas activity with his early Neapolitan years that it is difficult to assign a precise date to the half-length figures of apostles and philosophers of various dimensions and the canvases with the martyrdoms or visions of saints that are placed by most critics in the Neapolitan period.
There are, indeed, al- most no differences of style between the Five Senses cats. The compositional format is the same — even in the most fully developed of the pictures. The use of a natural light to define depth, volume, and the vigorous forms or to probe the crude rigor of the expressions is the same.