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Nana indulges in the solitary pleasure produced by the specular reflection of her body [ in the mirror ] […] the young woman, in this scene of self — seduction, is immersed into self — rapture Zola, […] kind of mise en abyme of desire. Communication is the second stage of the seduction encounter. Yet simulation is present as this character makes her victim think that the two are friends, and that she trusts him. Una vez que los pechos han realizado su labor […] los aleja […]. Ashamed and apologizing […] as if she is annoyed at showing embarrassment implying […] that, after all is said and done, they feel at ease with one another.

Her naked body, sensual and irresistible, could be seen as a means of communication. At least Karel cannot resist a naked Eva who sometimes reminds him of woman who fascinated him earlier, Mme. Exposing her nudity with an apparently innocent shamelessness, Nana uses male desire as tactical element in her seduction strategy. In this way the seductress sexually stimulates in a hidden way, while feigning innocence and decency Listen to me then, I called you because I was feeling alone, because I wanted you to tell me to get well soon, because […] Our translation.

She communicates her feelings directly. Among our three seductresses, only Eva fills this third phase. It is significant that very large numbers of inscriptions occur in the areas sur-. Moreover, it is in these regions that the majority of the references to the season of qayz are to be found. Again, this is paralleled by the movements of the modern Rwala and Ahl al-Jabal. Camels calve in the winter and early spring and the cold of the northern desert at this time of year can often kill the young. It is therefore common to take the camels to the pastures in the south, while the sheep and goats tend to be kept in the north.

It will, I hope, be clear from this that the content and distribution of the Safaitic inscriptions point inescapably to the conclusion that their authors were nomads. I do not intend to discuss in detail the debate on the purpose of the limes in the Province of Arabia since it is well beyond the scope of this article. But since the Safaitic and Thamudic inscriptions have been cited by both sides in support of their positions it may be useful to clear up some misunderstandings and examine the evidence, such as it is.

The major proponent of the theory that the Romans, and the Nabataeans before them, faced constant pressure from nomads trying to enter the settled regions, is Thomas Parker. However, he is faced with a severe lack of evidence for this in the period between the 1st century B. The real threat was from nomadic Arabs of the desert". The first is Appian's statement that the second and third governors of Syria " each It is surely more likely that this refers to the "Nabataean Arabs", as Appian calls them, just to the south of the new Province against whose king, Aretas, Pompey had fought and Scaurus had already launched a successful campaign.

Bowersock's claim that he was fighting nomads on behalf of the Nabataeans was pure speculation and I find it difficult to believe that Augustus would have sent so prestigious an expedition, under his adopted son, merely to put down. By Bowersock had anyway changed his mind and saw the expedition as enforcing a temporary annexation by Rome of the Nabataean kingdom. Thirdly, Parker cites Negev's attribution of the 1st century destruction levels at Oboda, Kurnub and Nessana, to "raids of nomadic tribes". He therefore makes the following statement. Some of these are accompanied by graffiti in Nabatean, Thamudic and Safaitic [sic].

As is well-known, it is impossible to date these texts beyond a broad span covering several centuries, so there is no way of knowing whether they were even contemporary with the destruction. Moreover, those inscriptions which have been published give not the slightest hint either that their authors were aware of these forts, towns and villages or of the aggressive activities Negev attributes to them. The only reason Negev gives for making this extraordinary association is the presence of these graffiti at some considerable distance from the settlements! In another work, Parker himself comments that " it is highly questionable that the mere existence of Safaitic and Thamudic graffiti near a particular site implies that these tribes were responsible for the destruction of that site".

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Surely, only a deeply rooted predisposition to believe that nomads are incurably aggressive and forever attacking sedentaries can account for his making this association in the first place and for Parker's acceptance of it. But such a predisposition is no substitute for evidence and argument. It needs to be emphasized that there is little in these mainly fragmentary texts to indicate whether or not they were written by nomads and they contain no hint of aggressive interest in the sedentaries or their rulers.

Similarly, he cites a Nabataean inscription from Sinai, Euting , as evidence that "Arab tribes raided certain settlements in ". But as long ago as the re-edition of this text, and the publication of the squeeze, showed that Euting's restoration, on which this interpretation was based, is quite impossible.

Although he states that "relations between Rome and the Arab tribes Again, Parker's assumption of a constant nomadic threat is used as a basis for more speculation in the absence of any evidence. It will be clear by now that the theory of a " nomadic threat " between the 1st century B. Sadly, I cannot find a single piece of solid evidence in the arguments put forward. In the past, when this has been pointed out, as has frequently happened, I51 Parker has used comparisons with other historical periods, from the Amor- ites to the Ottomans, to suggest that " conflict between the desert and the sown was inherent for human relations in the region".

Besides, when examined carefully, many of the events and descriptions he quotes do not support the point he is making. To take just one example.

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He cites Eph'al's work on the Arabs in the Assyrian, Babylonian and Persian periods in support of his statement that " camel-mounted Arabs posed a significant threat to the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian empires, requiring major expeditions led by the kings of those empires". He, like Briant, argued convincingly that the desire of settled states to control the incense-trade meant that the Arabs were far more often the victims of aggression, than vice versa, and that, because the Arab nomads were the indispensible middle-men in this the most lucrative trade in antiquity, the Assyrian and Babylonian governments tried to integrate them into their administrative.

In the process he shows very clearly the contrast between the propaganda view of the nomads presented in the Annals and the picture of day-to-day co-operation which emerges from the administrative documents. Parker urges the use of analogy with the bedouin of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. When used with care, with a meticulous attention to detail and with due regard for the differences as well as the similarities, analogy can sometimes provide insights.

What it can never provide is proof. Because it is impossible to know the total context of each of the two elements of the comparison, we are inevitably ignorant of all the factors which produced each of these elements, and so cannot know whether they are truly comparable.

Unfortunately, it is clear that Parker is not using analogy in this careful and limited way. For he draws superficial parallels from widely separated periods, without regard to the nature of the sources he quotes or the particular circumstances of the events he cites. He uses these parallels to build up a generalized picture of what he calls " the essential character of nomadic Arab life ", in which aggression, expressed as raiding and warfare, is the dominant element.

This form of argument can do no more than reinforce existing prejudices. Analogy should only be used to help understand something for which there is already evidence, not to supply a lack of it. Parker refers to the Safaitic inscriptions and the drawings which sometimes accompany them as " precious statements about Bedouin life by the Bedouin themselves " and, apart from the anachronistic use of the word " bedouin ", I would agree.

The majority of the drawings are of camels and wild animals, a much smaller number depict horsemen or camel. Less than five per cent could be called " narrative " drawings and among these by far the commonest theme is the hunt, usually on horseback or on foot. Drawings of men are usually extremely sketchy and it is impossible to identify any of the people in these scenes. However, the range of arms they bear is always the same: a long sword, a very small round shield, the composite bow and a few possible examples of the self-bow, the long flexible lance and the short throwing spear.

He also mentions drawings which I have recently identified as depicting camel raiding and goes on to link these with raids and attacks on settled communities. But camel raiding is an activity which takes place between nomads and does not involve the sedentaries and it is only for this sort of raiding that we have evidence from the Safaitic inscriptions and drawings. The Safaitic inscriptions and drawings provide no evidence for this sort of attack.

There are a number of references in the Safaitic inscriptions to an area, people or peoples variously called rm, hrm, 7 rm, and V hrm.

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Although there is no proof, this would seem to be a likely interpretation in many cases. It is however a warning that we should be cautious in making an automatic identification when 7 hrm, hrm, or even 7 rm are mentioned in the Safaitic texts. References to events in the Safaitic inscriptions take two forms : those in which an author says he was involved and those by which he dates his inscription.

This distinction is extremely important. News travels widely and fast in the desert, as anyone who has worked or travelled in these. There is no reason to suppose that this was not equally the case in antiquity. Thus the fact that an author might date his inscription by the year somebody died does not mean he was present at the deathbed any more than dating it in " the year the Persians came to Bosra" means that he was in the city when it happened, let alone that he or members of his 7 were involved. He may have been, but it is not evidence that he was, only that he had heard of the event.

References in dating formulae, therefore, are evidence for the spread of news or rumour but not necessarily for contact or involvement. In the following references the authors claim to have been involved in some way with Rm. The most common statement is : w nfr m [or mn] rm " and he escaped from Rm" or w ngy mn rm which means the same thing, while SIJ says lgl yt mn rm.

The author of LP says w hrs 7 rm " and he was on the look out for the 7 Rm ". None of this is very informative. If Rm means "the Romans" or "Roman territory", a reference to escaping from Rm might mean that the author was deserting from one of the units which the Roman army raised from among the nomads and which are discussed below. But this is pure speculation. Finally there is a text the statement of which I would read:. The end of the inscription is lost. This is a complicated and difficult text and the interpretation above is offered tentatively. It does not, alas, advance our knowledge of the relations between the Romans and the nomads a great deal.

All the other references to Rm are in dating formulae. The references to hrm and 7 hrm are more enigmatic.

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  4. References to direct involvement with them are as follows :. Hwlt and so O Gdwhb'l [grant] deliverance" If mrd means "he rebelled" this would be the only one of these hrm texts which was more likely to refer to the Romans than to another tribe or people. There are two possible references to hrm in dating formulae :. Here there is nothing to indicate that Hrm is anything other than a group of nomads similar to the 7 qdm. This again could refer to any group. If it refers to the Romans one would have to assume that a party of people identified by the author as " Romans " spent the winter in an unexpected place.

    For units of the Roman army to move into winter quarters within Roman territory would surely, from the desert perspective, be insufficiently memorable to date events by. The dating formula in C has been read as:. However, there are several problems with this reading. Secondly, the normal form of the word meaning "to winter" in Safaitic is s2ty as in C above and there are no other certain examples of s2t with this meaning.

    Thirdly, the syntax-is-very odd since-in-sentences of-this-type in-Safaitic the verb almost invariably precedes the noun as in C above. Fourthly, I find the spelling. Finally, Hrm has also been read in C and However, in C the copy clearly has w wgd Vr Vw " and he found the inscription of Vra" and in C the reading proposed in C, which includes Hrm, does not seem to me possible.

    This is the sum total of references to Rm in these texts. There are, in addition, references to h-sllpn "the government", without specifying which, to h-mlk which may refer to an unspecified king or may simply be a N. The last is in LP which I would tentatively suggest should be re-read slnt lgy[n] grmnqs b nq V " the year the troops of Germanicus were at NqV. It will be seen from the above that the references to Rm in the Safaitic texts are not particularly informative but that Banning is quite correct in questioning Parker's assumption that they " imply widespread organized warfare against the settled population".

    When, for instance, the 7 lwd or the 7 rm or the nbt are mentioned in these texts the reference is unlikely to be to the whole group, but rather to an unknown number of its members, which could well have been very small. Lancaster give a good parallel to this from the recent past. At once one assumes a tribal conflict with a cast of hundreds, if not thousands. Further questioning elicits actual names and the final total proves to be, perhaps, only a dozen or so men. Yet the description is correct as there is no other idiom in which to describe the structurally equivalent groups which took part.

    It is therefore scarcely surprising that the outsider perceives the bedouin as being violent and aggressive; he is rarely in a position to check the reality. They may, of course, have been important incidents of which we happen to be ignorant, but they could equally well have been unimportant, small skirmishes which had an ephemeral notoriety. Taken as a whole, the content of these texts suggests that some of their authors were aware of events in the world beyond the desert and that a few of them at least spent time both among the nomads and the sedentaries.

    However, the texts give no indication that "conflict between pastoralists and the peasants and other sedentaries was generally endemic along the frontier", as Parker has suggested, nor even of any general hostility between them. I am largely in agreement with the first part of this paper in which he exposes some of the flaws in Parker's argument.

    Unfortunately, however, there are also numerous problems with Graf's own theory, which suffers from a number of important methodological defects, particularly in his use of the epigraphic material, and appears to me to be based on a misunderstanding of this evidence. It is on this part of his paper that the discussion below will concentrate. At various points in his text, Graf makes general statements about the nature of the Safaitic evidence, and how it should be used, which reflect my own views remarkably closely.

    However, it is disturbing to find, as one reads on, that these " conclusions " have not grown out of his study of the material, but seem to have been superimposed on a treatment of the evidence which not only entirely ignores them but reflects the very attitudes and assumptions which they condemn.

    Thus, for example, he admits that " the designation ' Safaitic ' tribes is Language and script can rarely be strictly compressed into political or ethnic categories". Yet throughout his paper he refers to " the Safaitic tribes" as just such a political and ethnic entity. Thus, for instance, he writes that " the Safaitic tribes constituted another component of the diverse population that existed under Nabataean rule".

    Unfortunately, the confusions caused by this faulty methodolgy are compounded when far-reaching conclusions are drawn from the most tenuous of evidence. It would be tedious to multiply examples, so one instance may perhaps serve to illustrate the point. These Safaites must be considered as participants in the urbanization of the region".

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    It is not clear to me why an isolated find of four graffiti in a small cave in the Anti-Lebanon should indicate that the authors of the Safaitic inscriptions were "participants in the urbanization of the region". It will be clear that I am broadly in sympathy with the thesis which Graf is trying to support, i. The problem is that the case Graf makes is fatally weakened by his treatment of the epigraphic material.

    This is not necessarily his fault. As an historian, rather than an epigraphist, he is at the mercy of editions of texts which, through age or for other reasons, are often not wholly reliable, and he has often been misled by the pronouncements of epigra- phists which he has either misunderstood or was unable to weigh with sufficient scepticism.

    This failing is somewhat obscured by the impressive battery of references in his footnotes and it is clear that considerable labour went into the preparation of his text. Unfortunately, when these references are examined in detail and set against the statements they are supposed to be supporting, the misconceptions on which so many of the theories are based become apparent.

    In order to discuss his views it will be necessary, therefore, to examine the evidence in considerable detail and this accounts for the length and complexity of this section. Graf's argument is based on two claims. Firstly the equation of " Saracens " with " the Safaitic and Thamudic tribes " is simply asserted without argument or evidence.

    In this case, the forts and garrisons strung throughout the province of Arabia are to be perceived as inward looking, not outward, monuments to the resistance of a rebellious citizenry to Roman imperial authority and administration ". This is surely a very curious argument which flies in the face of all the evidence provided by the content and distribution of the Safaitic and Thamudic E inscriptions. It also appears to be somewhat pointless. For he asserts that the " Saracens " were the. However, since he also claims that they resisted Roman occupation and that " in this case " the forts and garrisons of the Province were monuments to their rebelliousness, he has not proved that there was no " nomadic threat " he has merely transferred it a few kilometres to the west.

    This would be a normal definition. Graf indeed recognizes this and even quotes Littmann's dictum that " the fewer the traces of real civilization are, the more numerous are the Safaitic inscriptions". Graf begins with the assumption that " the Safaitic tribes were basically a pastoralist society that has its roots in the sedentary population of southern Syria and Transjordan ", While it is certainly true that all the evidence available suggests that the vast majority of those who wrote the Safaitic inscriptions were pastoralists, I know of nothing to indicate that the form of social organization mentioned in these texts, or.

    There are fewer than a dozen references in all the Safaitic texts to the place or region written Hrn. C Dn C V a If the reading and interpretation offered above are correct, the author must have been on his return journey when he wrote this text. The text is damaged in several places and from the copy there is no way of knowing whether anything has been lost at the end. C D WH I suggest taking trd here as representing Ar. From the photograph it is almost certain that whdh should be read rather than the whdy of the edition.

    The inscription was found in the Burquc region. I would take hdzs representing Ar. It also seems to me a most unlikely interpretation since although Safaitic is full of statements of mourning and longing, these are for specific individuals, " his father", " his brother", etc.

    However, unfortunately, I cannot at present offer a satisfactory alternative for this part of the text. If this is a plene spelling of hwrn it may be explicable by the author's apparent uncertainty about Safaitic orthographic conventions. This suggests that he bore the name which appears elsewhere as W46 and that he may have been unsure whether to spell it with a final h1A7 or a final t. The definite article before ill is difficult to explain, unless this was a well-known incident. Other interpretations are possible. This is WH's translation.

    The second half does not read easily, but I cannot at present offer a convincing alternative. KRS I have discussed this text in detail elsewhere and suggested that the Philip mentioned here could have been Philip son of Iachimus son of Zamaris, the general and. It will be clear from this brief study of these texts how much in them is uncertain and how much, more or less controlled, speculation is involved in their interpretation.

    Following many other writers, Graf bases much of his case on a small number of names of Vs mentioned in the Safaitic texts which have been identified with names of "tribes" found in Greek and Aramaic inscriptions. Similarly, Graf's claim that " many of the Safaitic tribes existed within the Nabataean realm" is imprecise and misleading.

    We do not know whether, or how far, the Nabataean state claimed sovereignty over the deserts of what is now southeastern Syria and northeastern Jordan. But there is no evidence that the inhabitants of these regions recognized such authority. Indeed, if the attitudes of the bedouin of this area in subsequent periods are any guide, the nomads would probably have regarded such questions as largely irrelevant. Graf goes on to claim that " the tribesmen are keen observers of [the Nabataean ruler's] activities ".

    But this is greatly to overstate the case. He apparently bases this view on the occurrence of the word hmlk in a handful of Safaitic inscriptions, and assumes that it must refer to the Nabataean king. But there is no reason to make this assumption. Firstly, hmlk frequently occurs as a name in the Safaitic texts and in many of the inscriptions cited by Graf it could represent the name of a man famous in the desert at the time.

    This is quite a common practice. Secondly, even if hmlk is taken to mean " the king", the Nabataean rulers were not the only kings known to the authors of the Safaitic texts. KRS and both refer to h-mlk grfs "King Agrippa" and a number of other inscriptions mention Hero- dian rulers.

    There is some confusion in what follows. In the text he claims that these Vs are " among the small, but select group of Safaitic tribes [whatever " select " means in this context] who regularly petition the Nabataean deity Dushara", while in the note attached to this statement he writes of "the numerous tribes mentioned in the Safaitic inscriptions who petition Dushara".

    Thus many of these Vs may be small groups belonging to the same " tribe ". So much depends on whether or not an individual author decided to state his V, whether it was clear from his genealogy alone, and by which level of social group he chose to identify himself. Naturally, all the inscriptions are by members of one Vor another, but we are generally only able to identify which group when it is stated explicitly.

    We cannot therefore draw conclusions about the distribution of the worship of a. These invocations cannot therefore be used as evidence that their authors were " under Nabataean cultural influence " let alone that they were " operating within the Nabataean political framework", whatever the latter actually means.

    It is true that basiliophoric names composed with names of Nabataean kings and queens are occasionally found in the Thamudic E texts. This suggests that the parents of the individuals so named were at least aware of onomastic fashions in the Nabataean cultural sphere. Some may well have been " operating within the Nabataean political framework", but, on the basis of this handful of names and some invocations to the local god ds2ry, it is difficult to put the case so strongly.

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    Name-giving in antiquity must have been subject to as many and various influences as it is today and generally we have no way of knowing what these were. I would therefore hesitate to launch far-reaching theories from such an uncertain base. Some of these individuals were aware of events in the settled areas and sometimes used them to date their texts. Naturally also some went to the great cities of Syria such as Palmyra and Dura Europos while others probably took service in the local units raised by the Roman army. But the evidence of the texts makes it quite clear that the vast majority of their time and attention was spent in the concerns of the desert, stock-raising, the occasional raid on another tribe, seasonal migration, the search for water and pasture and their relationships with family and friends.

    Nothing in these inscriptions suggests that their authors posed any threat either to the Nabataeans or the Romans. Instead, they show that the vast majority of their authors were for the most part entirely concerned with their own pursuits and were largely indifferent to the imperium. Nomads, sedentaries and the epigraphic evidence.

    It is necessary to re-emphasize that although analogy would suggest that there may have been a close symbiosis between nomad and sedentary in the period when the Safaitic inscriptions were being written, the evidence for it is pitifully small. I am not claiming that there was no communication between the desert and the sown. There were almost certainly individuals who lived in both environments or who moved from one to the other. In view of this, it may be worth examining some of the epigraphic evidence for contact and suggesting reasons why it is so sparse.

    So far only one true Greek-Safaitic bilingual has been identified, C and from the area around Zalaf. The Safaitic part is clear and the copy of the Greek section has been ingeniously restored by Milik to produce the following:. There are also two partial Greek-Safaitic bilinguals in which some of the names in the Safaitic text are repeated in the Greek. It reads The other is WH , this time from the Burquc area, the first three names of which read:.

    Sartre cites LP as a Greek-Safaitic bilingual, but, as I have noted elsewhere, this is incorrect. The name carved in Greek, Avr Xoc, bears no relation to anything in the Safaitic text. There is also a Palmyrene-Safaitic partial bilingual carved on a relief of the Palmyrene triad. Finally, I know of four Nabataean-Safaitic partial bilinguals. The names in two of the five tiny Nabataean texts scratched on a stone from the Burquc area match the first two names in one of the Safaitic inscriptions on the same stone.

    This is particularly interesting since the name is clearly of a Nabataean form, using the article 7-, and has been transcribed exactly into Safaitic. It will be clear that this is a tiny number of texts. To these can be added the Greek graffito by a member of the V Df Mg 1 discussed above and various other brief Greek texts containing Semitic names found among the Safaitic in the harra.

    However, there is another small piece of evidence, which, like so much else, is more suggestive than conclusive. If I am right in interpreting this as referring to the town of Salhad, then this is the first clear example of a Safaitic inscription by someone who. Nevertheless, this is not an exact equivalent of the phrase dy mn slhdw, by which the author of a Nabataean inscription from North Arabia identifies himself, for the author of the Safaitic text claims to belong to the 7, " the people ", of Salhad, whereas the author of the Nabataean merely says he is from the town.

    It is at present impossible to tell whether or not this difference is truly significant. The Safaitic text is written on a stone bowl. A number of other texts written on stone vessels are known and since none of them show any signs of use or wear it is possible that they were votive offerings of some sort at a shrine. It is therefore particularly unfortunate that not one of them has a secure provenance since they have all come to light in the hands of dealers. Virtually all the texts describe mourning or longing and, if they are votive offerings, this may be of significance.

    However, until their context can be discovered this can only be speculation. A Safaitic inscription by someone claiming affiliation to the population of Salhad serves to highlight the fact that a script cannot be confined to one community. Thus although, from their content and distribution, it is clear that the vast majority of the Safaitic inscriptions were written by nomads, the presence of a Safaitic text in the settled regions would not necessarily be evidence for the presence of nomads there.

    Mac- Adam regards Schwabe's suggestion that the penultimate word in this text should be read aio[u], rather than Mowry's tto[Aic], as "highly improbable given the simple and straightforward Greek of the inscription". There are, however, at least three large cairns there, against one of which it appears the Greek inscription may have been. Graf's attempts to use orthographic vagaries in the spelling of a handful of names in Safaitic texts to suggest " that some of the Safaitic tribes were a part of the heterogeneous population politically united under Nabataean royal hegemony" is a prime example of attempting to compress "language and script The fact that some twenty individuals employed Aramaic or specifically Nabataean orthographic conventions in the spelling of their names would suggest that these individuals had had contact with Aramaic orthographic practices, but it can tell us no more than that and certainly nothing about " tribes " and politics!

    This may be the place to dispose of the theory put forward by A. Negev in , that the Safaitic inscriptions were written by Nabataeans. This view is based on some very dubious chronological comparisons and entirely ignores the fact that, even if " the Nabataeans did indeed speak Arabic ' at home ' ", the dialect represented in their names and in the Arabic loan-words in their Aramaic inscriptions is very different from the language of the Safaitic graffiti.

    The most obvious contrast being, of course, that " Nabataean Arabic " uses V- for the definite article while Safaitic uses h-. As I have said, one would expect some contact between the nomads and the seden- taries and, since they did not share a language and script, it would be necessary for some individuals from each community to learn the rudiments of that used by the other. I would suggest that the answer lies in the use members of the two communities made of their ability to write.

    While it would sometimes be useful for a nomad doing business in the settled regions to pick up a smattering of Greek or Aramaic, since these were working tools of the sedentaries, there would be no incentive, apart from curiosity, for a sedentary to learn to write Safaitic since, as far as we can tell, the nomads used the art of writing solely as a pastime. On the other hand, it would also explain why we seldom find Safaitic inscriptions by sedentaries in the settled lands since in normal circumstances they would have had no cause to learn the script.

    Moreover, since the Safaitic inscriptions are almost entirely graffiti, and writing was treated by their authors as a game rather than as a serious form of communication, 3O5 the "inscriptions" were largely the product of hours of enforced idleness, while, as the texts themselves tell us, the authors were pasturing the animals, keeping watch, etc. As unpremeditated productions of the moment they inevitably deal mainly with events which were of immediate concern to the writers. A nomad visiting the settled areas, for trade or on business with the authorities, would have had little opportunity or probably inclination to carve graffiti while he was there.

    Of course, had he been resident in the mountain with his herds, even for part of the year, as Sartre, Graf and others have suggested, opportunities for carving graffiti would certainly have arisen and we would expect to find large numbers of Safaitic texts there. On the other hand, when the nomad was back in the desert after his visit, there might be little reason to refer to it unless something unusual had occurred and, for instance, he had had to escape w nfr mn rrri. These also are surely unlikely to record the visits of nomads to the mountain or their relationship with its inhabitants.

    Thus, the paucity of evidence for interaction between the nomadic and settled populations of the region is almost certainly not due to a lack of communication. Such an idea seems to me entirely improbable in terms of the practicalities of daily life. Nor, I would suggest, is it necessarily due to a difference in date. In the section entitled " Nomads or Sedentaries? Moreover, contra Villeneuve, there are a number of Greek inscriptions in which a man's name is followed by KC0 ir C N,. It is normal in inscriptions in which membership of two levels of social organization is claimed for the larger to be placed first.

    This is what we would expect, on the model of the relationships of nomads and sedentaries in this area in the recent past. However, if this was indeed the case, such individuals or groups have left little evidence of their presence in the settled lands, and there is no indication whatsoever of wholesale sedentarization of the nomads. Once again, I do not say it could not have happened, merely that I can find no firm evidence for such a process.

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    It seems frequently to be assumed that when a " tribal " name found in a Greek inscription seems to match one found in Safaitic that the reference is to the same " tribe ". Firstly, given that the Safaitic script employs no vowels and that Greek lacks equivalents to several of the Semitic consonants, it is often difficult to be sure that the identification is correct.

    The consonantal " skeleton " of a Safaitic " name " in Harding's Index may, in fact, cover a number of different names distinguished from each other only by their vocalization. Thus, in most cases, all that can be said with any certainty about such identifications is that the Greek name may show one possible vocalization of the Safaitic "onomastic skeleton ". It does not show that the two names, let alone the two " tribes ", are the same. This is something that has long been recognized in the field of personal names, though in practice it has sometimes been ignored, but does not seem to have checked enthusiasm for identifying " tribes".

    In fact, as mentioned above, we know that these words could be used of almost any unit from tribe to family. Even bearing this in mind it is remarkable how few even possible identifications can be made between groups mentioned in the Greek inscriptions and those in the Safa- itic. Even on the grounds of contact which I have suggested we might expect, there should be more. Some six identifications have been made.

    Of these, several can be disposed of immediately. The Kovrjvoi have been identified with the 7 Kn found in Safaitic. He then expresses astonishment that this " tribe " is nowhere mentioned in the Safaitic texts and concludes that this must be because they were already settled. Clearly this is an entirely circular argument. The name is incomplete in both inscriptions in which it is found and Sartre and MacAdam restore it on the basis of the Xauxa[3r voi, a tribe, which Ptolemy places in Arabia, near the Euphrates.

    Moreover, the Safaitic text is not a graffito but, like the Aramaic, is carefully carved on a dressed stone block which could have been intended as the lintel for the doorway of a tomb. Here the patronym, a basiliophoric compound composed with the name of a Naba- taean king, suggests a connection with the Nabataeans. There is one other instance of an 7 rwh in Safaitic. It is, of course, possible that there was only one 7 rwh and that it had both set-. But Safaitic rwh could be vocalized in several ways and it can therefore cover a number of different names. Some of these may be similar to those of the 7s mentioned in LP Nab 43 and CIS ii , though even this does not prove a connection, but some may have been quite different.

    Indeed, the Safaitic references may be to more than one 7. We do not know the length of the period over which these Safaitic and Aramaic texts were written and they could well date from different times and refer to different groups. Thus when there is no external evidence for a connection it is safer to resist assuming one.

    Quite apart from the 7s, Rwh is found as a personal name in Safaitic as are Rwhw, Paouaoc, etc. The evidence for the identification of the 7 'rnrt in the Nabataean-Greek bilingual from Madaba with that found in Safaitic is based on the apparent similarity of the name and a certain amount of circumstantial evidence.

    The latter consists of several strands. However, it is difficult to say more than this with any cer-.

    (DOC) The Rise of I | Philip Stewart - ziwopycaxa.tk

    Milik has also suggested that the name " Madaba " may occur in a text by another member of the 7 lmrti71 but the initial letter of the name is completely destroyed by an abrasion and while his restoration is certainly possible it does not make a secure basis for associating the 7 'mrt of the Safaitic inscriptions with Madaba.

    In the same place I also pointed out that the presence of the possibly Greek name Dmsy in an lmrt genealogy might suggest an involvement with societies beyond the desert, though I noted that this name could also be derived from an Arabic root. But none of this provides evidence that the 7 or 7s mentioned in the Safaitic inscriptions can be identified with the 7 'mrt of the Madaba bilingual of A. Graf has taken this unprovable equation and used it as the basis for a considerable amount of speculation. Moreover, as I have shown above, the interpretation of C as refering to a Roman winter camp at Abila, is impossible.

    Even if it were not, I fail to see why such a reference in a dating formula should imply that the author's 7 " dwelt within the imperial borders ". This is purely because the latter is thought to have been a group of some importance, since there are a large number of claims to membership of it in these texts as well as many references to its activities. This, is not, of course, a valid reason for making this identification and there is no more direct evidence to support it. It is perfectly possible, of course, that the identification is correct, but given the lack of evidence this can at present be no more than unsupported speculation.

    Graf's treatment of the V twd illustrates the considerable number of misconceptions about this group which are current at present. I shall also. He claims that these inscriptions, which come from places less than 40km. Graf also claims that this " tribal name " occurs in the mainly fragmentary Safaitic texts found in the mountains northwest of Palmyra. But this also is incorrect. Of the two texts he cites in support of this claim, ISP 60 is not a reference to lwd. The editor restores d [I l]wd. Even were it possible, it would be based solely on the d the penultimate letter cannot be a w and would therefore be so speculative as to be inadmissible as evidence for the presence of a member of an 7.

    Note that not even the reading dH is certain. The final d might then be the beginning of a d[ 7]. So I would read:. We have no way of telling what, or even how many, letters have been lost. Thus there is no evidence for the presence of members of the 7 lwd in the region of Palmyra. Graf's handling of the material from Dura-Europos is equally flawed. He writes " at Dura-Europos, Aramaic and Safaitic graffiti from the Palmyrene gate also mention the tribal name". The only tribal name in these texts -is the interesting, and at present unique, mlgml in no.

    In ISP 82 a the end of the text has been broken and the letters which the editor read V, and translated " he migrated", can be seen on PI. Finally, it should be noted that his assumption that the 7 ngbr not njbr is a subdivision of the 7 lwdis based on Milik's work on Safaitic genealogies. Milik assumed that when sequences of even two unvocalized names occurred in two or more texts they referred to the same individuals. Given the number of possible vocalizations of these consonantal skeletons it is very doubtful how much reliance can be placed on Milik's conclusions on this point.

    Moreover, he also appears to have assumed that when an unvocalized name in a genealogy appeared to correspond to that of an 7 that the former must represent the eponymous ancestor of the latter. A much more cautious approach to the genealogies is needed before the relationship between the various 7s can be properly elucidated.

    This does not mean that there was no connection, simply that we cannot. There are three Safaitic inscriptions whose authors claim affiliation to the 7 lbs2t. These are:. C [LP ] : Itmbn nzr 7 bn tm d'l lbs2t h slfr. And he mourned for Mn'l, his son, who had died, distressed, overshadowed [with grief] ".

    C is uninformative and there is nothing in WH a to suggest a connection between its author and this group. Certainly its provenance, on the eastern edge of the harra, and its content do not point to his being a sedentary. The combination of this and his statement that "he rebelled against the 7 rrrT might be thought to suggest a connection of some sort with the sedentaries. However, this need mean no more than that, for instance, he had served in the Roman army, in a unit raised from among the nomads, and had mutinied or deserted.

    After a few minor roles, Reeves received a sizable role in the drama film River's Edge , which depicted how a murder affected a group of teens. Rain Man won four awards, including the Best Picture. Other winners included Who Framed Roger Rabbit four wins; the telecast garnered 43 million viewers in the United States, the highest since the 56th ceremony in Rain Man led all nominees, with eight nominations.

    The winners were announced at the award ceremony on March 29, Best Actress winner Jodie Foster became the third person in history to win the aforementioned category for a film with a single nomination; the last person to achieve this feat was Sophia Loren when she won for Two Women in Best Actor winner Dustin Hoffman was the fifth person to win the aforementioned category twice.

    Sigourney Weaver became the fifth performer to receive two acting nominations in the same year but did not win in either category. Of the top 50 grossing movies of the year, 52 nominations went to 13 films. In an attempt to attract viewers to the telecast and increase interest in the festivities, the Academy hired film producer and veteran Oscar ceremony executive talent coordinator Allan Carr to produce the ceremony.

    In interviews with various media outlets, he expressed that it was a dream come true to produce the Oscars. Notable changes were introduced in the production of the telecast. For the first time, presenters announced each winner with the phrase "And the Oscar goes to The green room where Oscar presenters and winners gathered backstage was transformed into a luxurious suite complete with furniture, pictures and other amenities called "Club Oscar".

    Instead of hiring a host for the proceedings, Carr relied on presenters grouped in pairs that had some connection, either through family or the film industry. Several other people were involved in the production of the ceremony. Jeff Margolis served as director of the telecast. Lyricist and composer Marvin Hamlisch was hired as musical supervisor of the festivities. Comedian and writer Bruce Vilanch was hired as a writer for the broadcast, a role he has had since.

    Unlike in most Oscar ceremonies, Carr announced that none of the three songs nominated for Best Original Song would be performed live. The telecast was remembered for being the final public appearance of actress and comedian Lucille Ball , where she and co-presenter Bob Hope were given a standing ovation. On April 26 a month after the ceremony, she died from a dissecting aortic aneurysm at age In an effort to showcase more glamour and showmanship in the ceremony, producer Carr hired playwright Steve Silver to co-produce an opening numbe.

    Three Models of Seductresses in XXth Century Narratives

    Mildred Natwick Mildred Natwick was an American stage and television actress. In , she earned an Academy Award nomination for her supporting role in Barefoot in the Park , she was nominated for two Tony Awards in and and won a Primetime Emmy Award for her work in the miniseries The Snoop Sisters , opposite Helen Hayes. Natwick was born in Baltimore , the daughter of Joseph and Mildred Marion Natwick, her grandfather, Ole Natwick, was one of the earliest Norwegian immigrants to the United States , arriving in Wisconsin in Natwick began performing on the stage at age 21 with " The Vagabonds ", a non-professional theatre group in Baltimore, she soon joined the University Players on Cape Cod.

    Natwick made her Broadway debut in playing Mrs. Throughout the s she starred in a number of plays collaborating with friend and actor-director-playwright Joshua Logan. She continued to appear onstage, made regular guest appearances in television series, she was twice nominated for Tony Awards: in for The Waltz of the Toreadors , the same year she starred in Tammy and the Bachelor with Debbie Reynolds and Leslie Nielsen and in for the musical 70 Girls She returned to film in Barefoot in the Park as the mother of the character played by Jane Fonda ; the role earned Natwick her only Academy Award nomination for Best Supporting actress.

    She made her final film appearance at the age of 83 in the historical drama Dangerous Liaisons. Natwick, who never married or had children, lived in a duplex on Park Avenue in Manhattan for the majority of her life. She was a devout Christian Scientist. A Republican , she supported the run of Dwight Eisenhower during the presidential election.

    On October 25, , Natwick died of cancer at her home in Manhattan at the age of 89, she is interred at Lorraine Park Cemetery in Baltimore. It is named after the Essonne River , it was formed on 1 January The Essonne department was created on 1 January , from the southern portion of the former department of Seine-et-Oise. In June Carrefour S. Based on the ideas put forward by the American logistics pioneer Bernardo Trujillo , the centre offered on a single 2, m2 site a hitherto unknown combination of wide choice and low prices, supported by car parking spaces. All of northern Essonne department belongs to the Parisian agglomeration and is urbanized.

    The south remains rural. Founded in , L'Ecole Polytechnique is one of the most prestigious engineering universities in France ; this university was ranked 10th in the world by the Times Higher Education Supplement in Its campus is in the town of Palaiseau. One of the best public schools in France, it is ranked 52nd by Academic Ranking of World Universities , it is best known for its physics department. Located in Orsay , about 26, students are enrolled; the Headquarters of the Arianespace Company, a major commercial aerospace launcher, servicing companies who wish to launch satellites into space.

    Having been an ancient fort during Roman times, the first feudal lords began to inhabit the castle around AD. One major battle was fought in the castle during its lifetime. Covering 3, hectares in area, this forest is important to the local population; the local government has kept roads and agricultural companies from cutting down parts of this forest.

    The forest receives between two and three million visitors annually, the government spends 1. Telecom Sudparis. Les Liaisons Dangereuses play Les liaisons dangereuses is a play by Christopher Hampton adapted from the novel of the same title by Pierre Choderlos de Laclos. In order to gain their trust and Valmont pretend to help the secret lovers so they can use them in their own treacherous schemes. On 8 January , the production transferred to The Pit, an intimate studio theatre in the Barbican Centre in London , with its original cast intact.

    In October , with only a few cast changes, the production transferred again to the Ambassadors Theatre in the West End. Following eight previews, it opened at the Music Box Theatre on April 30, and ran for performances. Hampton adapted the play for the screen in a film version directed by Stephen Frears. Following 22 previews, a Broadway revival produced by the Roundabout Theatre Company opened at the American Airlines Theatre on May 1, and ran for 77 performances.

    One reviewer noted that "Director Sam Strong's beautifully paced production emphasises gratification via the wielding of power rather than via lust. The play opened at the Booth Theatre on October 30, ; the Broadway production closed earlier than expected, on January Hampton, Christopher. Les Liaisons Dangereuses. In the 13th century, Philip Augustus and Louis IX erected a more substantial manor: Louis IX is reputed to have departed from Vincennes on the crusade from which he did not return. To strengthen the site, the castle was enlarged replacing the earlier site in the 14th century.

    A donjon tower, 52 meters high, the tallest medieval fortified structure of Europe , was added by Philip VI of France , a work, started about ; the grand rectangular circuit of walls, was completed by the Valois about two generations later. The donjon served as a residence for the royal family, its buildings are known to have once held the library and personal study of Charles V. Henry V of England died in the donjon in following the siege of Meaux.

    The relics of the Crown of Thorns were temporarily housed there while the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris was being readied to receive them. A fragment that remained behind received its own chapel at Vincennes built by Peter of Montereau , which survives. In the 17th century, the architect Louis Le Vau built for Louis XIV a pair of isolated ranges mirroring one another across a parterre to one side of the keep, suited for the Queen Mother and Cardinal Mazarin , but rebuilding was never pursued once Versailles occupied all attentions; some splendid apartments show the earliest phase of Louis XIV style, before the example of Vaux-le-Vicomte presented the Sun King with a worthy model.

    The unlucky builder of Vaux-le-Vicomte, the minister Nicolas Fouquet , found himself transferred to Vincennes, to much less comfortable lodgings. In , another unwilling lodger was John Vanbrugh , soon to become a playwright and architect, who drew some of his Baroque "gothick" from his experience of Vincennes, it has been argued. It played no part during the remainder of the Revolution. Vincennes was an arsenal containing 52 new rifles, more than field guns and many tons of powder, canonballs A tempting prize for the Sixth Coalition marching on Paris in in the aftermath of the Battle of the Nations.

    However, Daumesnil faced down the allies and replied with the famous words "I shall surrender Vincennes when I get my leg back". With only men under his command, he resisted to the Coalition until king Louis XVIII ordered to leave the fortress; the park was recreated in the English landscape style in the 19th century. Vincennes served as the military headquarters of the Chief of General Staff , General Maurice Gamelin during the unsuccessful defence of France against the invading German army in It is now the main base of France's Defence Historical Service , which maintains a museum in the donjon.

    On 20 August , during the battle for the liberation of Paris , 26 policemen and members of the Resistance arrested by soldiers of the Waffen-SS were executed in the eastern moat of the fortress, their bodies thrown in a common grave. Only traces remain of the substantial remains date from the 14th century; the castle forms a rectangle. It has six towers and three gates, each 13 meters high, is surrounded by a deep stone lined moat; the keep, 52m high, its enceinte occupy the western side of the fortress and are separated from the rest of the castle by the moat.

    The keep; the towers of the grande enceinte now stand only to the height of the walls, having been demolished in the s, save the Tour du Village on the north side of the enclosure. Fort Neuf de Vincennes , built to the east. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Dangerous Liaisons disambiguation. Theatrical release poster. Norma Heyman Hank Moonjean. Lorimar Film Entertainment.

    Retrieved The Age. Retrieved 11 July The Daily Telegraph.