Online sales were up The wholesale division posted This year the retailer plans to open a new store in Paris, five outlets across north America and further concessions in France, Germany, Spain, China and Japan. The company has also invested in a new European distribution centre in Derby which will be fully operational by the middle of next year and employ people. Ted Baker has grown from a Glasgow shirt shop, set up by Kelvin in , to a global fashion brand that also sells jewellery, perfume, luggage, rugs and tiles, with stores from Beijing to Boston.
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Riverfront Times N. Calendar Events in St. Louis Classifieds Job Listings. Miriam herself had repeated run-ins with the law. She was arrested and charged with numerous minor crimes, including retail theft, conspiracy to sell stolen goods, receiving stolen property, disorderly conduct for fighting, public intoxication, and making a false report to law enforcement. She was represented mostly by public defenders, and the courts filed multiple judgments against her over a year span for failing to pay fines, costs, and restitution resulting from her various charges.
In May , Miriam died from an accidental overdose of prescription drugs, medication prescribed to her for anxiety and severe back pain. At the time of her death, she was facing trial for multiple pending civil charges. When I asked about Miriam, Rafael relayed the particulars of her troubled life but did little reflecting.
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It was April 15, At the time, he was a nobody in Texas politics; Ted was only slightly better known, as the state's former solicitor general and a talented lawyer who'd been giving talks to young conservatives groups while making noises about getting into politics. No one knew what to expect, and Rafael was told to get up there and tell his life story.
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That would be enough. As it turned out, thousands of people showed up. And Rafael brought down the house with his story of escaping Cuba—he elided the fact that it was Batista, not Castro, he had initially fled from—and becoming a devotee of Ronald Reagan. In the coming years, Rafael's stature among Texas conservatives grew as he became the go-to spokesman for his son's Senate campaign against heavily favored Lt.
David Dewhurst. Looking back, it almost seems that the nearly simultaneous rise of Ted and Rafael in Texas conservative circles was symbiotic. For Ted, having a dad who was a tea-party star proved quite convenient. After all, in a primary to be decided by the reddest of Republican voters in Texas, Ted—who claimed just 2 percent support in early polls—did not necessarily have an ideal biography.
Two Ivy League degrees, a Supreme Court clerkship, a lead role in writing a decidedly moderate immigration platform for George W. Bush's presidential campaign, jobs in Bush's administration, a wife employed by Goldman Sachs: His bio screamed establishment Republican. Rafael first stepped in to speak at an event in West Texas that his son couldn't make, and he was a hit.
He said, 'Even surrogates for the other candidates were asking for Cruz yard signs. Katrina Pierson, a prominent tea-party activist and friend of Rafael's who ran for Congress in , says, "A lot of people will tell you Rafael's the main reason they love Ted. Volunteers and staffers from Ted's Senate campaign describe Rafael as a wise, old fatherly figure to them. As he stumped for his son statewide and continued speaking after Ted's win, the thumbnail biography that followed Rafael from event to event offered few details about his life outside of politics.
And he was the president of a Spanish-language Bible translation company named Kingdom Translation Services. Today, wherever he goes, Rafael is introduced as a pastor or a reverend, either with Purifying Fire Ministries, an outdated affiliation, or with a more recently formed organization named Grace for America. Though he is nondenominational, he has been identified over the years with a movement known as Christian Dominionism.
In a sermon posted online, Rafael preached that Christians are "anointed" to "take dominion" of every aspect of life on Earth—"society, education, government, and economics"—and to one day take control of the government and create a theocracy. He has also spoken about an end-time wealth transfer, in which God will redistribute the wealth of the world from nonbelievers to believers in the lead-up to Christ's second coming.
I asked Rafael about some of his affiliations. He told me that Purifying Fire and Grace for America are merely the names for his traveling preaching business, which is based out of his apartment. He was ordained by Ralph Holland, a Christian missionary based in the Dallas area; the professorship, he told me, refers to a short stint teaching the Bible in Spanish as part of a now-defunct program run by Holland.
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As for Kingdom Translation Services, it was established in early , according to county records. Rafael told me he started the company to put an official name on the side business he'd conducted for more than two decades, translating everything from religious documents to legal contracts for various clients.
Rafael told me that today he uses Kingdom Translation Services for the "little bit" of translation he still does for a few clients. Rafael does not appear to have gotten rich in his role as a preacher, professor, and translator. Rafael told me that he was in the middle of negotiating a payment plan with the IRS when the lien was filed and that Ted loaned him the money to pay off the lien right away.
For the most part, Rafael told me, he lives on the cheap and gets by on his monthly Social Security check, with the occasional honorarium or speaking fee for his preaching gigs and the odd translating job. His son's campaign pays his travel costs when he's stumping for Ted. If he had his way, Rafael says, he'd be working full-time for his son, an idea he once pitched to Ted. There's something called the anti-nepotism rule in the Senate. He's here working South Florida's I corridor for four hour days of speeches, lunches, radio appearances, and pep talks.
He hasn't seen the inside of his Dallas condo in weeks. The setting is different, but Cruz sticks to the two scripts I heard in Iowa. He launches into his "Reclaiming America" presentation to an audience of 40 at Calvary Chapel, ripping into pastors who "hide behind their pulpits" and exhorting Christians to rise up and vote the Democrats out of office. During the Q-and-A, he slams President Obama's Cuba policy "absolutely disastrous" and calls for greater fortification of the U. The Q-and-A ends, and everyone bows their heads and closes their eyes for a participatory group prayer, in which one audience member accuses the president of replacing Christian prayer with Islamic prayer in the White House and another rails against "the communist media system in this country.
Rafael, for his part, evokes Hitler's rise to warn against churches that don't get politically active: "Hitler was very smart. Hitler went to the pastors and pat them in the back, and he said, 'Look, you take care of their souls, I'll take care of the rest of it. The church bought it hook, line, and sinker, and as a result of that, 6 million Jews were massacred. And this is what has happened to a great many in the Catholic Church. Once again, it was the Rafael Cruz of YouTube notoriety, the Bible-thumping fire-breather who seems bound to eventually cause his son's campaign major trouble.
In fact, two days later, Talking Points Memo would publish a three-minute clip of Cruz's comment about Northeast Jews, captured by the Democratic opposition-research shop American Bridge. The political peril of such rhetoric speaks for itself, of course. And yet, after trailing him across two states, eight cities, and ten events, I came to believe that there was something more to Rafael Cruz than his provocative sound bites. The truth was, I found a likeable side to the guy.
He is grandfatherly, quick to make a joke, a happy warrior. Unlike his son—whose debating brilliance and lightning-quick reasoning can make him seem almost robotic—Rafael isn't stiff. He makes easy small talk and has one-on-one political skill in abundance.
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Indeed, in a state like Iowa, where so much of the caucus result is decided via the slow work of persuading individual voters, it seems possible that Rafael's true gift to his son might not be his ability to speak to very conservative audiences but rather the general bonhomie he brings to the campaign trail. After one of his nighttime talks, he asks about my evening plans. Find a cheap motel, I reply, maybe grab a beer. But also sort of endearing. And he was that way not just with me, a reporter writing a profile of him, but with the elderly ladies and Obama-hating tea-partiers and anyone else who hung around after his appearances.
On his way out of an event once, he put an arm around one of his Florida chaperones, a tea-partier named Danita Kilcullen, and gently asked her, "Can I put you in a little suitcase and take you with me? The last time I see Rafael Cruz speak is on the far western fringe of Miami, where civilization ends and the Everglades begin. The venue is called Rancho Bejucal, an expanse of farmland with horses, looming palm trees, and an open-air thatch-roofed pavilion at the front of the property with a stage on one end and a cantina serving beer and traditional Cuban fare on the other. I'm late arriving, and I can hear Cruz thundering in Spanish through the car windows.
It's well over 90 degrees, the humidity pudding-thick. The crowd is almost entirely Cuban. The men and women sit around picnic tables in the pavilion's shade, fanning themselves with Styrofoam plates and Panama hats. Yet the crowd is hot and restless, and the appearance soon takes an unexpected turn.
Cruz is talking about light and liberty when, midsentence, a pint-sized bald man in big sunglasses bounds onstage and rips the microphone from Cruz's hands. A Cruz by chance! I forgive you for giving him your last name, but he doesn't deserve it! I hope this man's son is never president! The emcees intervene and Cruz manages to say a few final words before shuffling offstage, replaced by a band that hastily launches into Cuban country songs. There's animosity from others, too; one couple gets in Cruz's face and calls Ted an extremist.
I catch up with Cruz and his minder as they're walking to the car afterward. Despite looking flustered onstage, he is back to happy-warrior mode when I ask him about the scuffle. He says a few more things about free speech and the greatness of America and then climbs into a white SUV with a "Ted Cruz " sticker on the trunk. His next event is at a Baptist church an hour and a half away.