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Zur poetischen Vorstellungswelt des Dadaismus. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung: Stuttgart. Selected Verse. Introduced, edited and translated by Peter Branscombe. Penguin Books: Harmondsworth. Probleme und Gestalten der Literatur. Francke Verlag: Bern and Munich. Als ich ein kleiner Junge war. Edited by W. Harrap: London, By Vernon L. Princeton University Press, London: Oxford University Press. Friedrich Nietzsche. Sammlung Metzler. Metzler: Stuttgart. Edited by Heinz Kindermann and Margret Dietrich.

S , DM Friedrich Froebel. A Selection from his Writings. Edited by Irene M. Cambridge University Press. Zwischen Sprache und Literatur. By Hugo Steger. By Jochen Meyer. Luchterhand; Neuwied am Rhein and Berlin. Heinrich Hempel: Meine Schriften. Edited by Heinrich Matthias Heinrichs.

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Programmed Learning and the Language Laboratory 2. By Klaus Bung. By Alfred Behrmann. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Stuttgart, By Wm. Roger Louis. Clarendon Press, Oxford, Likewise those networks and processes within the public sphere and the newspaper cannot be understood 53 without knowing what is happening therein. If we look at German society in the early nineteenth century, we see that the public sphere, and especially the press, was rife with new forms of expression, and with new participants who had come from groups previously on the periphery. It was not just for Christians, just as it was not necessarily only for bourgeois males.

Although there are those who oppose this view of a spatialized public sphere and believe that the public sphere is part of the political imaginary—thus it is not a real location which can be spatialized—this project accepts fully the spatialized conception of the public sphere and attempts to move beyond the typical physical locations expounded in most analyses, such as coffee houses and salons, to use this lens to evaluate local German newspapers. Another aspect of the public sphere that is important for this study is the complication of two concepts—abstraction and universality.

Abstraction is a principle which means that people can deny their social and cultural particularity and function in the public sphere in their capacity as generic humans. Universality then allows those abstract individuals to be seen as representative of the public. Both of these concepts could and should be applied to German Jews in the early nineteenth century as they fought for their inclusion in German society.

According to Harold Mah, minorities faced particular problems in rendering their particularity invisible and becoming universal, abstract figures. What if participants purposefully preserved their particularity in order to combat the structural deficiencies in the system and tried to propose a different set of values? And what if the state-controlled public sphere conformed to a certain set of values that were particularistic in their own right?

This was precisely the case for many German Jews who participated in the public sphere during the nineteenth century. On the one hand, many Jews, while participating in the public sphere, promoted a liberal ideology, including freedom of religion and freedom of conscience.

This individuated tack certainly appealed to some universal values, which could have made their arguments abstract for the general society. On the other hand, Jews were not necessarily trying to make their particularity invisible; instead they embraced being Jewish as a foundation of their arguments. Jews wanted to remain particularistic figures because they wanted to be accepted as such, and the state to which they ideally wanted to belong would accept them that way.

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In essence, Jews were hoping that religious particularity and toleration would become a universal value in itself, valued by others to the point where religion would not matter. If German Jews gave up their particularity as a cornerstone of their argument, they might as well have converted to Christianity. It is through the pages of the local newspapers that this project will evaluate German Jewish claims to membership in the local communities and to their location in the local public spheres. See also Steven E. These sources need to be integrated into a narrative that conceives of German Jewish appearances in the press as signifying more than just confirmation of events that happened or of ideas that were published in the press.

German Jewish participation in the press must be analyzed through their contributions to newspapers, publicness, and society. What we are thus proposing is to consider the newspaper as both a place and space of German Jewish publicness. It was foremost a place due to its accessibility as a physical location where German Jewish lives appeared, and as a location of familiarity, a place that was secure.

It was likewise a space of German Jewish publicness where German Jewish writings affected those who came into contact with them, and which also helped to shape and form the newspaper into a new location where there was increasingly more freedom, despite governmental intentions to have it otherwise.

Moreover, the newspaper was a location that was also a German Jewish space, which was unfamiliar to many and caused anxiety to those whose existence it threatened. In Germany, this meant necessarily the acquisition of Bildung, and foremost among its chief elements was the acquisition of High German Hochdeutsch in spoken and written forms. Language acquisition was especially important especially for those groups—regional Germanic peoples like Badeners, Allemans, Swabians and German Jews—who did not use the recently-created Hochdeutsch as their vernacular.

It also had the effect of inviting those who could write in the common language—including select German Jews—to make their voices heard among the public. But what do we mean that a newspaper is a place or a space? The newspaper can be characterized as a place for a number of reasons. First, as a physical artifact, newspapers occupy a material location within the environment. They are not a metaphysical notion of an intellectual location where ideas jockey for position; newspapers have physicality, made from trees and ink.

The combination of these material items, once they are printed, recorded, and distributed, becomes part of the public record for all to see. Given that the content of such newspapers were almost entirely about uncontroversial political news, news about political elites, governmental edicts, and advertisements for myriad interests including economic and personal uses , the newspaper could easily be seen as a very secure place in which elite interests were furthered and then disseminated to the public.

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Additionally, if we were to look at the non-news section of the newspaper, we would find non-threatening advertisements for non-guild goods and services as well as announcements from the state authorities—both items that certainly went through official channels and were approved. In essence, the newspaper was—in its original inception and its Restoration format—a very secure and friendly place for those whose values and interests it espoused, even for those Jews who decided to use this medium for their own interests. Third, we can also see the newspaper as a place of publicness by looking at how the newspapers were laid out.

The presentation of news, in a specific order, certainly had important ramifications. For instance, in Hannover, the Hannoversche Zeitung Hann Ztg presented news about Great Britain first and Hannover last with news from other countries in between Figure 2. By placing Hannover last, the reader would be left with Hannover on their minds. In this case, it was the first and last impressions which were the most important and reinforced the centrality and familiarity of both states.

In Baden, on the other hand, news about Baden came first, Germany second, then foreign countries, and then local news. We see just in these two organizations of news items how the placing of news could affect reception—in Hannover, the British monarchy was given the primacy of importance, with local Kingdom and city interests in a subordinate position. In Baden, the homeland was foremost in the minds of readers with the local cities placed at the end.

In both cases, however, the format of the papers promoted a sense of stability: in Hannover, the primacy of the British Monarchy reflected the comfortable ties and interests of ruling elites. Pertz, the editor of the Hannoversche Zeitung, was given censor-free control over the paper, and this arrangement could promote a sense of security or place—he was the trusted friend of the regime and he and his paper represented the status quo.

Fourth, the formatting of the paper is another way in which we can view place within the newspaper, as the size of the paper certainly mattered in terms of quantity of news as well as the diversity of news that was printed. At the beginning of the nineteenth century through the revolutions, most papers were in Quartformat Quarto format, Figure 2.

It is clear just from the size difference in the sheets of paper Quarto: 17cm x Once newspapers changed their format, they would need greater numbers of reports which meant more correspondents and people participating in the creation of news and opinion. Newspapers were generally of a standard size throughout the German states, although there may have been slight differences, like the Folioformat in the Hildesheimische Allgemeine Zeitung und Anzeigen from January June , where the size was 25cm x 37cm, which gave the paper approximately 80 cm2 more area for publishing.

Depending on the region, each newspaper had a standard amount of pages which was approved by the government. For instance, the Hannoversche Zeitung generally had six pages per edition, while the Mannheimer Abendzeitung printed four pages per edition. This was not a strictly-enforced boundary, however, as newspapers could easily print more news—all they needed to do was print Beilage supplemental sections, which continued discussions and allowed for more news and even opinion to be published.

This happened often, especially when the state legislatures were in session or when editors allowed discussion on important topics. From a purely financial perspective, more pages meant the opportunity for more advertising revenue. Since liberal papers were not state-supported, this change would, if successful, have ramifications for the viability of the enterprise.

Another reason why liberal papers would be more likely to desire more area to print news was to be able to include more items from more diverse regions. In terms of education, greater access to a diversity of news could mean facilitation of more discussions at higher levels about more topics— including the goal of bourgeois interests to have such discussions about the state itself. And the expansion of the press for conservatives could also have its advantages in terms of education. As McNeely has mentioned, the state could use the papers to inculcate values into the populace and mold the populace into citizens of its choosing.

Another format change which would create more places of publicness in the paper involved font size and font styles. As seen in many journals, different sections could be printed Anderson, op cit. For example, from the Hannoversche Zeitung above Figure 2. This allowed newspapers to become places where more information could be presented, including more locations as well as more information from local interests which sought to reinforce and inscribe the status quo.

When we observe all of the physical changes implemented in terms of the different formats and font sizes, we can see that for many people, the newspaper became a place of publicness. However, the newspaper was not just a location where their interests—personal, economic, religious, etc. In a sense, the changes expanded a sense of place by allowing this medium to become more familiar in practice to more people.

The expansion of news gathering and reporting meant that more people were comfortable and familiar with journalism and were willing to write about the news. As mentioned previously, this would facilitate the process of Bildung, but it could also promote a sense of solidarity and familiarity with other regions, as well as making local persons more familiar with engaging publicly about local issues. In all of these cases, the newspaper was not just a location, or even just a physical object—it was a place of publicness that was very familiar to those in the general public and gave a sense of consistency and security to those who read it.

Nonetheless, we should not overlook the implications of many of these same attributes for making the newspaper a space of publicness. While font size would foremost facilitate a familiarity of advertising with more shopkeepers, the evolving advertising practices would have a secondary effect: more advertisements for goods meant more familiarity with those goods and perhaps a greater chance of their purchase and use.

We can see dynamic at work in the Mannheimer Abendzeitung Figure 2. The differentiation between the headline and the by-lines, in both size and emphasis the use of bold, pictures, and empty space, for example, Figure 2. Figure 2. We see in Figures 2. The figures are not copied to scale, so we then need to compare the size of the advertisement to the entire page, which would put these evolutions and practices into better perspective.

The advertisement in Figure 2. The latter advertisement, with its larger, bold-faced type would certainly be more recognizable than the first advertisement, and is certainly more noticeable than the other advertisements on the same page. Reinhardt meticulously evaluates advertising in its myriad forms posters, light displays, sandwich boards, etc. In Figure 2. The use of blank or empty space clearly differentiates and draws attention to the advertisement. We also see that this advertisement has even differentiated itself from the other advertisements that also used pictures; this is clearly an evolution of advertising practices and the recognition that one must draw attention to a product or service.

These examples from the Karlsruher Zeitung are just representative of the changes that occurred in most newspapers and advertising practices of the time. We see that the evolution of advertising practices of the period, especially the use of different font types and sizes, helped to create more both more places and more spaces of publicness. We see that over time there were practices which became familiar or common to those who advertised in the classified section of the paper.

However, the use of font size and styles also allowed advertisers to acquire spaces of prominence on a page; as seen in Figure 2. In addition to the implications of space for advertising practices, we can argue that in the evolution of newspapers as a literary genre there was an important spatial element. Newspapers were collectively a sphere of activity and affected other things, as Lipphardt et al.

Yet many of these evolutionary changes, pace Tuan, could also promote an insecure feeling, with the potential for destabilizing truths and customs of prior eras. More area available to print could lead to more viewpoints, just as the permission or lack of control of an increasing press landscape could do likewise. In a sense, the engagement of the different ideologies in the public sphere could certainly lead to an insecure feeling.

The naivety of King George masked a more profound perception — for once conservatism [defending the pre- and post-Napoleonic status quo] in the sense of attachment to inequality and arbitrary authority requires embodiment in an articulated rather than implicit and unformulated ideology, half the argument has already been conceded. The ideological split was certainly reflected in the financial situation of the papers, the lack of subscriptions, and perhaps even advertisements in a newspaper, all of which could show the anxiety of different ideological groups.

Not only was the Mannheimer Abendzeitung a liberal paper promoting an ideology antithetical to conservative interests, it was also a more popular publication the second largest in Baden with more physical area to print news and opinion, and had more advertising revenue to support its printing. It certainly seems as if the Mannheimer Abendzeitung had more space and freedom to pursue its ideological agenda.

This space, which incorporated the many secure elements of place for liberals, could promote a high sense of trepidation and anxiety among conservatives. A second way of looking at the newspaper as a space ties into the changes within the programming of the newspaper. These opinion areas were not just places of opinion, they were spaces that stirred up passions and triggered responses, and in turn, these locations were shaped by these contributions. Conservative papers would likewise use the Leitartikel to express their views on topics similar to those in the liberal press, and vice versa.

In a situation where there was only one newspaper that facilitated an entire public, such as the case with the Hannoversche Zeitung, the printing of differing opinions could present alternate Weltanschauungen world views , which could have similar effects as a bifurcated press landscape. But, if we keep the anecdote involving King George III in mind, the expounding of a conservative ideological viewpoint in the public sphere was almost tantamount to admitting that its role in the political landscape had changed.

No longer was conservatism, even if it had changed from its pre-Napoleonic form, secured in its fundament; liberal ideology and the liberal newspaper had destabilized its position of hegemony. Furthermore, this recognition of the need for a response to liberal ideology showed that it was indeed liberal ideology and its exponents that were driving the debates. The expansion of the Leitartikel and its incorporation into ideologically different papers showed that opinion was at the forefront of the assault on elites, and the counter-attack by the censors showed how worried and anxious conservatives were of freedom of opinion and more liberal news.

As we saw in the expanded format of the papers, font size, etc. The participation of German Jews, who were by definition on the periphery of society, also confirms this more radically open nature of the press. This, in turn, led to opponents of German Jews to write against that equality by pronouncing Jews to be unequal.

However, by engaging with German Jews in the public sphere, their actions paradoxically confirmed German Jews as legitimate and equal participants. Thus by both processes—the facilitation of German Jewish participation and the active participation by Jews—we see that the newspaper as a space is tied to the space of a radically more open and liberal society. The newspaper became a location where liberal values unsettled and destabilized the ruling- conservative paradigm—thus becoming a space. Jews, included under general liberal conceptions of toleration, would be included in this new liberal press landscape if they had the ability to participate; this further contested and destabilized the status quo—the domination of society and the press by Christians and Christianity.

We see in the participation of German Jews in the newspaper and the reactions to their participation that the center and periphery were mutually entangled in important ways that had ramifications for each group. This could take the form of a separate press for different groups, whether they were religious, class, or ideological—even though these distinct papers were concurrently part of a greater public sphere.

These subaltern counterpublics were never really separate from the general public spheres, on either the national or local scale. These oppositional sites then helped to constitute dynamic spaces in which a broader cross- section of people could participate. In this sense, this merged public location in both the sense of a multiplicity of newspapers in one city or country, and in presenting multiple opinions in a paper would resemble somewhat of an idealized form of equality.

However, this semblance of equality was mainly a smokescreen for the inherent societal power structures and biases which prevented real equality for subaltern positions within mainstream thought. It is in these places and spaces that we seek to evaluate Jewish participation in the local newspaper. As an under-researched location of German Jewish publicness, the newspaper provides us with an excellent opportunity to evaluate how and why German Jews participated in the local press in the different cities and regions of a specifically-geographically defined area.

In this search through the local German newspapers in both Baden and Hannover, we are ultimately looking to see how German Jews were able to use the local public sphere in such a 74 way that they were able to transform the local press into places and spaces for their own purposes and to illuminate those intercessions in the local press and the meanings behind them. The changes in the form and openness of the newspaper would have a significant influence on those who wished to participate in general society. On the other hand, the newspaper did afford Jews from disparate locations the opportunity to participate in other communities and to help create or associate with new identities.

In a sense, Jewish participation in different newspapers shows a certain amount of integration into the general society, as Jews appropriated the tools that others used for their own purposes. When we see that many Jews had, in fact, started integrating into the societies in which they lived, we thereby recognize that Jews were not one homogeneous group. The individual histories of the various German Jewish communities had a definitive influence on their local situations in the early nineteenth century, and the unique developments in their locales affected whether or not German Jews faced a general public that was more sympathetic or antagonistic to their concerns.

As an inter-confessional project, the newspaper allowed its participants to explain themselves in myriad ways and forms. Even those on the periphery of society, like German Jews, were an integral part of its evolution, and they played a significant part in developing the press as an organ for mass consumption. For many scholars, detailing German Jewish participation in the public sphere meant the excavation and detailing of the German Jewish public sphere, made up of sermons and the German Jewish press, and looking for how these vehicles helped German Jewry in their quest for integration, acculturation, acceptance, and foremost, Gleichstellung equalization.

Yet while it is very significant avenue for the expression of German Jewish political and religious developments, the German Jewish press can only convey part of the story of German Jewish lives. Another aspect can be seen through the local newspaper—a much neglected source for scholarship. Von Mendelssohn bis zur Gegenwart, Frankfurt: J. Kauffmann, , It should be noted that Seligmann was a Reform rabbi in Germany when he wrote this book. Through study of the local newspapers and the German Jewish press, we obtain a fuller picture of how German Jews presented themselves in the public sphere.

Indeed, without the evolution of the regular press throughout the German states, including the Kingdom of Hannover and the Grand Duchy of Baden, the German Jewish press would not have taken the shape it did. Furthermore, without the evolution of the newspaper as a place and space of publicness, German Jews would not have had the opportunity to present themselves in the regular public sphere. Starting with Habermas, we know that publicness initially operated before and not by the public, and the story of newspapers confirms this detail. As Johannes Weber notes, the correspondent system and the press during the early seventeenth century were set up to serve the politische Beamten the political bureaucrats , diplomats and military officers, with the newspaper eventually replacing the older handwritten correspondence system.

Publicity was thus defined in very specific ways and came to be controlled though the implementation of a strict censor. The newspaper was not, moreover, the most important medium for publicness during the pre-modern era. Stegmaier notes that the censors had been instituted by the church ever since Gutenberg had created the printing press. This process is easy to see since these new disciplines were created by the educated class the gebildeter Stand and taught at universities which were state- supported thus all professors were also state bureaucrats , and which were the training grounds for future state bureaucrats.

But while the journal was undoubtedly a function of the administrative apparatus in society, the effects of the journal can be felt elsewhere. Thus, the journal, through its function of communicating knowledge to the upper class, prepared the way for one of its most important later functions—as educator of the public, and specifically those who were in or aspired to the gebildeter Stand, like German Jews.

This can be seen through the use of the term gelehrte learned for the genre. It must be notes that Lefebvre does not deal with the pre-modern period, and that he refers specifically to capitalist processes in his piece. However, the capitalist state was not the only state form that sought to capitalize knowledge and put it to work on behalf of a government. All of these steps in the development of the newspaper would, however, be important once it became more of a popular instrument at the end of the eighteenth century.

Jahrhundert, Stuttgert: Ibidem Verlag, , Another important element that developed over time was the increased frequency with which journals and papers appeared. It was Johann Friedrich Cotta who introduced the concept of a large press company, thus changing the concept from a one-man show, who often cared more about views than profits, to a firm that was run by a capitalistic concept of profit.

This model, however, would not catch on until after the Revolutions. McNeely notes that by , the combined circulation of the gazettes in existence was , copies, meaning that approximately 1 million people read these papers using the standard method of calculating readership of 10 readers per newspaper copy. The development associated with the individual printing genres as well as the increased periodicity helped to facilitate the success of the modern German newspaper during the first half of the nineteenth century.

Printers had started to turn the newspaper from just a place which disseminated official pronouncements to a space which did not just reflect the interests of the ruling classes, but included artefacts from everyday life such as advertisements. Even though the advertisements were quite banal, the inclusion of such items increased participation, provided a different way for readers to view their local and supra-local environment, and helped to shape both the newspaper and society. One must, however, be mindful that these changes in the press did not have as dramatic an effect as the development of the opinion press and the creation of the modern, capitalist press company during the early nineteenth century.

Johann Freidrich Cotta, the founder of the Allgemeine Zeitung Allg Ztg , became the first person to develop a capitalist profit-oriented press company. His main organ was the Allg Ztg, founded in , a paper that would become the most read paper throughout the German states. Ironically, the Rheinische Merkur has been rumored to be founded in part by the Prussian regime, which eventually shut the paper down in Ihre Entwicklung und ihre Probleme, Ph.

Dissertation, Leipzig, , 33, Heenemann has more complete statistics as follows: year , circulation ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , 11, First, Cotta aligned his paper with Count Metternich and the Austrian government, and received privileged treatment, including less censorship and privileged information. Third, correspondence was placed in the hands of a new generation of university-educated men who became the first representatives of the journalism profession. Ironically, the creation of journalism also helped alleviate societal dissent by providing income to those in the middle class who otherwise might not have had a job.

The combination of opinion and professionalization of the newspaper helped to push the newspaper not only as a medium for bourgeois interests, but were keys to establishing a precedent in which more people participated in the press. Censors had been in existence since the beginning of the newspaper in the seventeenth century, and were instrumental in curtailing divergent points of view. The energies of the censors were especially directed against liberal and revolutionary viewpoints, and they were so important that the Deutscher Bund German Confederation mandated the use of censors and even became a censorial authority in its own right, judging newspapers that would then need to be banned by the individual states.

This, in turn, led to confrontations in the public sphere on different levels: within individual groups, cities, countries, cultural regions, etc. These two important developments in the evolution of the press during the first half of the nineteenth century—the development of a place for individual participation and the increased acrimony between people of opposing viewpoints in the public sphere—would be very important for German Jewish publicness during this period and afforded Jews the opportunity to make their opinions and lives public as individuals and as Jews.

The transformation of the newspaper into a bourgeois instrument was certainly a result of the surge of liberalism in North America and Europe. The lack of critical debate—one of the four main attributes of the idealized modern public sphere—in the German newspapers points to a German public sphere that existed, yet was not fully formed and which also supported the conservative state.


Nonetheless, the movement for more publicness and its resulting problematization of state issues did have an effect upon those who advocated for the status quo. Despite the strong oversight and control of the press, individuals found ways over time to change the newspaper to include more places and spaces in which individuals could make their voices heard. The development of the newspaper in the Kingdom of Hannover was a result of influences from the individual territories which comprised the Kingdom as well as from abroad.

Newspapers, unlike journals, did not have any freedom to publish, which can be seen in the absence of any papers or journals that allowed any inclusion by the public until the s. The academic press was by educated elites for educated elites—a slight modification of the old publicness by the nobility in front of the public. An exception to this generalization occurred during the reign of William IV , which saw liberal influences infiltrate society and the press.

All that was left in the newspapers outside of the period of William IV, however, was political announcements, ministerial declarations, and personal advertisements. We can delineate a hierarchy of press organs by examining newspapers in in the different major cities. Taken together, the districts and their corresponding papers can be classified as providing different levels of publicness.

In the middle, there were newspapers such as those from Hildesheim, the Hildesheimische Zeitung and the Hildesheimsche Allgemeine Zeitung und Anzeigen, which provided both news and advertisements. Occasionally, the entry would have a relation to Jews, as the poem from 14 May 7th Piece, page 55 by J.

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  • Hildesheim and Emden, in this case, benefited from their importance—Hildesheim, as the second largest city in the Kingdom and an administrative center, and Emden as the most important naval and shipping city—as well as from their previous non- Hannoverian status in quasi-autonomous provinces. Newspapers in Hannover were shaped directly by politics and press policies within the Kingdom, as Hannover was important for formulating and cultivating ideas as well as for training state bureaucrats.

    The first period in the Hannoverian city press lasted from to There were several different press organs, and each fulfilled a different need based upon an eighteenth century organization of the press. There was no place for opinion, thus personal voices were seen. Aside from the publicness gained in the Hannoversche Anzeiger from advertising about one's business or personal events—like marriages or deaths—the Hannoversche Magazin during this period provided the only location for public persons in the city and beyond to express ideas through gelehrte-style essays.

    Its function was to educate the public in different topics, and did not provide any opinion that helped steer society in a certain direction. Writings by Hannoverian Jews were not solely limited to Jewish emancipation, although this topic did occupy a significant portion of those writings. These writings were important as an initial foray into participating more fully in the Hannoverian press. Nine of those seventeen entries about Jews came from Dr. It should also be noted that Wolfers was also very active in writing on medical issues and was recognized as an expert in the field.

    This was reflected in the press politics as well. The first paper was Die Posaune The Trombone , founded in by well-regarded popular author and cultural critic and a baptized Jew , Georg Harrys. This is the only publication that I could find that has any biographical information of Georg Harrys. He was baptized in March While the Hannoversche Anzeiger and the Hannoversche Magazin continued printing after the introduction of the Hannoversche Zeitung, neither of the older papers really contributed much to a new developing form of publicness as they both retained their traditional formats.

    The Posaune and the Hannoversche Zeitung were novel papers that added missing elements to the Hannoverian public sphere. Hone c k. The Hannoversche Zeitung, on the other hand, was not focused at all toward cultural items. As the successor to the Hannoversche Neueste Nachrichten and Hannoversche Nachrichten, the Hannoversche Zeitung took over the tradition of printing political news—there was still a need for such a service—and then provided a completely new way of presenting public life.

    It started with some innovations by Pertz, including a complete content and format change from its predecessor. As editor, Pertz combined the different functions of the Examples of M. From the Hannoversche Anzeiger, Pertz took the ministerial decrees and some of the advertisements, but they were just a fraction of the amount of advertisements that one could see in the Hannoversche Anzeiger.

    From the Hannoversche Magazin, Pertz included a gelehrte-style section where contributors' writings would be presented. But instead of just providing articles to teach or inform the public of the particular viewpoint of the editor of which there were plenty of examples in early , Pertz allowed people to submit their writings as part of a debate— whether presented at the same time or in a continuing series of articles. This leads to a further discussion about the Bund itself.

    There was a grouping of four articles contributed together, and then responses that followed. Undoubtedly, the liberal Zeitgeist in which the Posaune and Ibid. Pertz specifically mentions at the end of this introductory piece the format of the paper, including his intention to put news from Brunswick and Hannover at the end of the news section.

    Jahrhundert, Berlin: Colloquium Verlag, , Their individual projects gain particular significance as their young daughters become politically cognizant. Wolf uses news events in alluding to recurrent patterns of socialization and the sometimes destructive results on a world-wide scale. Ongoing conflict in Southeast Asia, Chile and the Middle East, along with an increasingly chilly Cold War all have their historical counterparts.

    The implications of these patterns are personal as well as global. Likewise, Gesine can find ample evidence for the failure of Vergangenheitsbewaltigung in the news from West Germany: Immer noch haben sie in Westdeutschland einen Greis zum Staatsprasidenten, der im Jahre Bauplane fiir Konzentrationslager unterzeichnet haben soil. Er glaubt nicht, dafi er es tat; einen Eid kbnnte er nicht darauf ablegen.

    Ein amerikanischer Schriftensach- verstandiger hat die Signatur auf den Planen als die des Staatsprasidenten erkannt. Die Christlich-Demokratische Union, der die Sozial- demokraten beim Regieren helfen, antwortet auf Forderungen nach dem Riicktritt des Belasteten: Wer das verlange, wolle nur die Koalition unter Druck setzen und die Weichen fur die Wahl einer anderen stellen; das ist der Stellenwert von Konzentrationslagern in der westdeutschen Politik; ein solches Land ist das, und Mrs.

    Ferwalter sagt: Sicherlich muBte jeder das damals tun, gewifl hatte er eine Ehefrau. II, 26 Wolf 9. The furor over Bundesprasident Heinrich Liibke's complicity in the construction of Nazi concentration camps lasts several weeks. Gesine has little to say about his participation in the Endlosung or the current scandal. She lets his political maneuverings speak for themselves. The focus of the newspaper items in the text is clearly on how clear-cut evidence of Lubcke's collaboration is received by the press, the public and politicians. His evasive replies to the charges, along with his party's reaction to the scandal, illustrate clearly the government's failure to confront latent elements of National Socialism from within.

    The backlash against those who brought Lubcke's collaboration to light is particularly vicious. The student who brings the documents to the public's attention is expelled from the university. The CDU decries the accusations against Liibcke as blatant political mudslinging. That the signature on the blueprints-material evidence authenticated by an American handwriting expert-exists at all is of seemingly secondary importance. The need to rationalize proves overwhelming on both a political and a personal level, as illustrated by Mrs. The content of the debate is a clear indicator of the current West German political climate.

    In their examinations of childhood under fascism, Johnson and Wolf both address the layers of socialized consciousness which makes it possible to sustain this sort of public self-deception over time. In Kindheitsmuster. For her the key to the past--and ultimately to freedom from its repetitive patterns-is an understanding of the subjective process. Wolf points unequivocally to "dieser fatale Hang der Geschichte zu Wiederholungen, gegen den man sich wappnen mufi.

    His emphasis is on the process of analysis and change. The exploration of Gesine's awareness Bewufitsein and perception only lays the groundwork for the writer's true purpose. In an interview with Manfred Durzak, Johnson articulates the crucial second step which is his principal objective. It is the moment when the reader recognizes: Ja, so wie es da geschrieben steht, so ist es, so leben wir.

    Aber wollen wir so leben? Wolf believes recognition of such patterns is the beginning of their exorcism. Conversely, Johnson finds that there is no escape from the patterns of the past. The news from West Germany indicates that elements of National Socialism are deep entrenched in the highest echelons of nation politics.

    The uproar over the discovery of Bundesprasident Heinrich Lubcke's signature on concentration camp blueprints is only one example. Bundeskanzler-and former Nazi party member-Kurt Georg Kiesinger shows blatant disregard for the Vergangenheitsbewaltigung concept when 28 Wolf Gesprach mit Uwe Johnson," Gesprache tiber den Roman. Formhestimmnngen und Analysen , ed. Manfred Durzak Frankfurt a. See also Johnson's essay on the novel, "Vorschlage zur Pruning eines Romans. Gesine is so incensed by the successful political rehabilitation of Franz Josef Straufl that she lists it among her reasons for leaving the BRD.

    The man, whom she refuses to name in the text, served as "'Offizier fiir wehrgeistige Fiihrung'. Voraussetzung: aktiver Nationalsozialist" and afterwards "gab er sich aus als Widerstandskampfer. StrauB embodies the egotism and moral bankruptcy rampant in West German politics. West German political reality belies any pretense of progress in confronting the recent past.

    Gesine, like other Johnson characters, is locked into the identity determined by her sociopolitical environment:. Fiir ihn bin ich Deutschland, das vorige und die beiden jetzigen, fiir ihn habe ich manchmal kein Gesicht am Kopf, sondern nationales Pigment, ihm bin ich verantwortlich fur die westdeutsche Bundesbahn und fiir die westdeutschen Nazis. I, The societies in which she participated have all left their mark. As an individual she is powerless to bring about significant change. Even if she could manage to transcend the pasts' internalized patterns, she would be unable to change the attitudes of those around her.

    However, the novel's closing image reinforces the links of history: "Wir hielten einander an den Handen: ein Kind; ein Mann unterwegs an den Ort wo die Toten sind; und sie, das Kind das ich war" IV, This same interrelationship of past and present, particularly in the confrontation of German fascism, is echoed in Christa Wolfs Kindheitsmuster. Das ist der Zustand, in dem man sich unverhofft, ohne daB man es vorher geahnt hat, fragt: "Woher komme ich eigentlich, was sind meine Eltern gewesen, was ist das fur ein Land, in dem ich aufgewachsen bin, wie kamen meine Eltern dazu, daB ich geboren wurde in dem Zustand Deutschlands, der damals war?

    Sie ist sicherlich nicht die einzige, die sich das fragt, und sie versucht nun durch Erinnerungsversuche, durch Rekonstruktionsversuche, sich selber zu finden. Up to this point, however, this one-sided view of the novel has all but eclipsed the role of New York City as Jerichow's temporal, thematic and structural opposite.

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    Her new vantage point, and eventual 30 Wolf 9. There has been little discussion about the novel as a historical chronicle of America in the late s, which over the last thirty years has achieved its own historicity. The significance of New York and the issues facing the U. Most subscribed to Christian Gebert's position that Johnson, like Columbus who embarked for India only to discover America, "namlich, etwas gescheiter durch die modernen Verkehrsverhaltnisse, kam nach Amerika und entdeckte Mecklenburg.

    It was also not by chance that this new direction in Johnson criticism coincided with a trend among American Germanists to emphasize American-German interrelationships in literature and other areas. The early s saw a spate of publications addressing the U. S image in literature. As a result well-known works by a range of writers from Goethe, Heinrich Heine and many 20th century writers were reexamined in a new context.

    Post-war works in particular were at the forefront of the discussion. Beginning in the s the U. In many cases the events are loosely autobiographical. America plays a prominent role in several of Max Frisch's novels, as well as in his Tagebuch In contrast to Johnson, Frisch's depictions of the U. Typically, America takes shape in his novels as a composite of highways, cities and airports. The scenery is secondary to the character's futile search for meaning.

    Another example is Wolfgang Koeppen's travelogue, Amerikafahrt Die Massenmedien, politische und kulturelle Journalistik, haben in erster Linie dieses neue Amerika- Image kreiert, das weitgehend affirmative Geltung hatte und das publizistische Feigenblatt fur eine politische Machtposition abgab, mit der man sich haufig identifizierte. A younger generation of German writers began to question long-entrenched East- West political positions, and the severe repercussions the conflict had for Germany in particular.

    Durzak also points to American intervention in Vietnam as the point where "der grofie Bruder, der sich zum Hiiter der westlichen Preiheit in der Welt aufgeschwungen hatte, an rapider moralischer Auszehrung zu erkranken [begann]. Tage in Manhattan , describes a cold, inhuman society self-destructing from within. By contrast, in a tamer version of the loosely structured "road novel" inspired by Beat writer Jack Kerouac's On the Road Peter Handke uses the U.

    Several works of varying quality were the result of writer-in-residence visits such as Martin Walser's campus novel, Brandung , Gunter Kunert's Per andere Planet. The Jahrestage narrative can be broken down into three basic threads, which are nominally linked by the collaborative project between Gesine and her narrative partner. On one level, the novel recounts Gesine's experiences "as a citizen and a taxpayer of New York.

    A third narrative strand expressed in italics, consists almost entirely of real and imagined exchanges. Often these are between Gesine and long-dead figures from her past. Each narrative strand is characterized by a distinct style, viewpoint, and historical time. These three separate narrative strands intersect in Gesine, who is the focal point A.

    Contemnnrarv German Arts and Letters 15 : The three strands function independently in the narrative, but share a degree of thematic interdependence. Transitions between them results in an implied thematic counterpoint. Gesine's past and present experiences coexist with a larger sociopolitical reality in which she is a minute, but relevant, participant. Peter Beckes describes the relationship between the two as an "enge Verzahnung zwischen Privatsphare und offentlichen Belangen, zwischen der 'Banalitat' des Alltags und den groBen politischen Staatsaktionen in beiden Wirklichkeiten.

    However, in a novel which many critics consider as being one about recent German history, the coexistence of the Jerichow and New York narrative strands has long been a source of pointed criticism: Schon dieser kokette Provinzialismus, modisch konfrontiert den New Yorker Kulissen alles naturlich mit Akribie beobachtet, oh! Und dann die vielen falschen, iiberanstrengten Vergleiche.

    Roberta Hye argues-not entirely without success in some cases-for the direct correlation between past and present events through the continual recurrence of evil. She further contends that Johnson uses these parallel events to suggest similarities between America in the late s and Nazi Germany: Das Gleiche wiederholt sich nach Johnsons Vorstellungen nicht. Wohl aber kehrt Ahnliches wieder zum Beispiel, obwohl der Zweite Weltkrieg einmalig ist, kommen Kriege in der Geschichte immer wieder vor und mit ihnen verwandte Erscheinungen.

    In Jahrestage sind die Vanationen in der Wiederholung durch die spezifischen Daten und durch die Personen-die Vergangenheitsgeschichte gehbrt Heinrich Cresspahl und die Gegenwartsgeschichte seiner Tochter Gesine-und schhefflich durc h die Schauplatze des Romans-Jerichow 39 Gebert Aber er bleibt. Der Mensch andert sich nicht; das besagt, er ist genauso bose in Amerika wie er Deutschland war. She claims that the similarity between the Gestapo and the CIA "ist nicht zu unterschatzen.

    The supposed CIA files on African-Americans are part of a larger conspiracy theory in which this information will be used to incarcerate them in camps to preclude a racial civil war. This scenario-among others which are equally questionable-is part of the small talk at a cocktail party given by Grafin Seydlitz.

    Rolf Michaelis Frankfurt a. Gesine has little to contribute to the swirl of conversation "in diesem Abbild einer verrottenden Gesellschaft," and leaves. Her unwillingness to speak up becomes grounds for criticism: Mujite sein, Gesine. Mujite sein. Wenn du schon hingehst, warum druckst du dich an den Wanden herum? Damit ich es sehen kann. Du sollst den Mund aufmachen, Gesine! She sees this as evidence of deliberate parallels within the novel, "von Uwe Johnson ausdrucklich durchgefuhrt.

    The parallels, however, are clearly drawn by Enzensberger alone, as demonstrated both in the text and the original document: "So wie in den U. Gesine flatly dismisses his contentions: - Naomi, deswegen mag ich in Westdeutschland nicht leben - Weil solche Leute dort Wind machen? Solche guten Leute. II, The last sentence is a direct reference to Johnson's essay, "Uber eine Haltung des Protestierens" , in which he pointedly criticizes those who pay lip service to the peace movement only as long as it poses no 46 Hye His convictions are of overriding concern only when he fears the loss of his credibility as a leftist intellectual II, Instead of remaining in a place where he potentially might make a difference, he leaves for Cuba: "Er hat eben einfach so den Gedanken, daB er von den Bewohnern Cubas mehr lernen kann "Freude" , als den Studenten der Wesleyan University an politischer Haltung beibringen" I, The passage in the novel is markedly similar to the essay in subject matter.

    Further, both use the same formulated phrase, "solche Leute. Das sagen solche Leute" II, The tone of this particular passage in Jahrestage, together with the earlier essay, leaves no question that Gesine and her narrator reject simplistic historical equations put forward by Enzensberger and his contemporaries.

    Any direct correlation between America in the s and Germany in the s is also refuted by Johnson. He concedes the reciprocal relationship between the Jerichow and New York narratives, but consistently avoids drawing any unequivocal one-dimensional links between Nazi Germany and the political climate in the U. In an interview with Dieter Zimmer he elaborates on the narrative function of associative chains in Jahrestage : Es kommen aus der amerikanischen Gegenwart sehr wohl Anstbfle, es werden Ereignisse von damals heraufgerufen durch Ereignisse von heute, lediglich aber heraufgerufen.

    Wenn zum Beispiel bei den Unruhen in Washington eine Hauserzeile ausgebrannt ist, so ist fur sie die Folgerung: So sahe ein Krieg in amerikanischen Stadten aus-Von diesem Vorstellungsbild kommt sie zuriick auf ihren eigenen Krieg, auf das Jahr ; daran schlieBt sich das Sterben des Flughafens Mariengabe bei Jerichow an. Johnson brusquely criticized efforts to establish direct correspondences between the two epochs:. Das ist der eine Aspekt der "Jahrestage. Sie suchen diametrale Gegensatze, eindeutuge Urteile und rucksichtslose Stellungnahmen.

    So kann man aber nicht leben. Ich wurde zum Beispiel von einem amerikanischen Faschismus nicht sprechen. Das Wort weist auf die historische Gebundenheit des Phanomens, das sich so nicht wiederholen wird. Amerika hat andere Voraussetzungen, andere Strukturen und wird auch Dieter E. Zimmer, "Eine BewuBtseinsinventur. Osterle, "Strukturfragen und Todesgedanken. Heinz D. Osterle Minister: Englische Amerikanische Studien, The continuous shifting between subtly differentiated narrative perspectives is a central component of Jahrestage.

    Polyperspectival narrative is no less important for Gesine's story than for earlier novels. Jahrestaye displays the same unequivocal rejection of traditional Balzacian realism as well as of socialist realism's "abgesungene epische Totalitat. In Johnson scholarship discussion of Jahrestaye 's narrative strategies has proved uneven and often contradictory. The only aspects which will be addressed in any detail here are those pertaining to the New York narrative, and particularly his use of documentary materials. However, some background is necessary in order to evaluate widely divergent conclusions concerning the novel's shifting narrative perspectives and the gaps in existing research.

    Ingeborg Gerlach reduces the narrative into its two most basic elements. In her paradigm Gesine relates the historical Jerichow story, while the contemporary New York strand is told by her narrative partner. Analyses by Ingeborg Hoesterey and Peter Pokay specifically address Johnson's problematic "Vermischung von auktorialen und personalen 51 Zimmer Both argue that in Jahrestage Johnson adds a critical twist to the continuous shifting between limited and omniscient narrative perspectives characteristic of the modern novel, in that the tangle of viewpoints is never sorted out within the text.

    According to Ingeborg Hoestery: "Solches Fragen gehbrt freilich. The continuous destabilization of narrative integrity is an important, though often overlooked, component of Jahrestaye. Gesine's perceptions of the U. Of particular interest for this analysis will be the passages incorporated from The New York Times , which is Gesine's only consistent source of information about the U.

    Her knowledge is limited to what she can read and observe. Her experience of the U. Unlike her mother, Marie is fully assimilated in the culture: ". She continues to question her sense of identity as an individual, as a German and as a product of her political upbringing. Her perceptions of New York and the U.

    Her survival is guaranteed only from paycheck to paycheck.

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    So she takes advantage of every opportunity within her control, acknowledging that appearance is just as important as substance: Ihr kann alle vierzehn Tage gekiindigt werden. Sie will keine Versicherung versiiumen, nicht einmal die rechtzeitige Anwesenheit am Arbeitsplatz, die optische Prasenz. I, 84 1 However, nothing can insulate her from the fear of random violence or the stress of urban life.

    As a resident of New York City, Gesine is aware of a wide variety of problematic social issues either through her own observations or through The New York Times. Social and economic extremes, urban crime, isolation of the underprivileged and the pervasive effects of poverty are all to be found just around the corner from her apartment.

    It is merely a street or two away: "In den SeitenstraBen zwischen den Avenuen sitzt er inzwischen in vielen der brownstones" II, The neighborhood market 1 Uwe Johnson, Jahrestays. All subsequent citations from the novel are indicated by volume and page. Its diversity illustrates the best and the worst of the American melting-pot:. Die Sprachen auf diesem Broadway sind vielfaltig, verwirrend arbeiten Akzente aller Kontinente an Versionen des Amerikanischen, im Vorbeigehen zu hbren sind das Spanisch aus Puertoriko und Cuba, das west-indische Franzbsisch, Japanisch, Chinesisch, Jiddisch, Russisch, die Jargons der Illegalen und immer wieder das Deutsche, wie es vor dreifiig Jahren in Ostpreulten, Berlin, Franken, Sachsen, Hessen gesprochen wurde.

    I, 27 She is attracted by the lively diversity that is in marked contrast to Germany in general and the homogeneous village where she grew up in particular. At the same time she is repelled by the privation and suffering in its midst. Gesine's paper of choice, The New York Times is full of reports on the Vietnam War as well as on drugs, corruption and racial unrest in the ghettos. The world portrayed in the paper is a daily affront to her well- regulated, insular life in the Upper West Side.

    These elements are all related to Gesine's crisis of identity: How does one reconcile individual conscience with sociopolitical reality, and at what price? Rolf Becker summarizes the unifying theme of Jahrestage : Wie ist mit Anstand zu leben, wie ist gerecht zu urteilen und wahr zu sprechen in einer Welt allseitig haftbar machender Systemzwange, ihrer ideologischen Tausch- ungen und parteiischen Sprachregelungen?

    Wie lebt man nut dem "BewuBtsein schuldnaher Anwesenheit," von dem kein Land- und Staatswechsel Gesine entlasten kann? The unresolved conflict between personal ideology and harsh sociopolitical reality