All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.
Who is more legitimate, Mr. Maduro or Mr. Guaidó?
No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
This section has been argued in court in different ways; perhaps Trump would like it to be argued again and settled once and for all. If those who wish to enter our country do so legally, agree to assimilate and take steps to become citizens, fine. Otherwise, don't come. Many in the cavavans carry their own country's flag, and have no intention to assimilate, and we will have NO country if we just let everyone in. Poll after poll shows that the majority of Americans want a stop to illegal immigration, as well as e-verify and other checks before allowing persons into our country.
Every other country on the planet does some form of the same thing! Know your rights. For almost years, the ACLU has worked to defend and preserve the individual rights and liberties guaranteed by the Constitution and laws of the United States.
October 31, PM. Anonymous You sir have swallowed the red pill. November 1, AM. Anonymous I simply do not understand your comment. November 3, AM. November 9, PM. Anonymous Lol. November 11, PM. November 13, PM. Anonymous Ummm I hope you don't practice law October 31, AM. Anonymous You left out a very important part of this amendment - ". November 3, PM. Fight for everyone's rights - support the ACLU. From there, he should go to Iraq, a place he knows well, for an update on the Islamic State campaign he now inherits.
What about Europe?
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After that, Mattis should head to the Baltics, and finally Ukraine, where the United States has invested hundreds of millions of dollars in security assistance. The message? The same one that Mattis conveyed in his confirmation hearing: That U. Over the past two-and-a-half years, the Obama administration put the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria on a path to defeat. The group has lost more than half of its territory in Iraq and about a third of its territory in Syria. Tens of thousands of Islamic States fighters and dozens of key Islamic State leaders have been taken off the battlefield. If the Trump administration keeps up the momentum, the days of the Islamic State are numbered.
My advice to team Trump: Do your homework, quickly. This decision could make or break the counter-Islamic State campaign and it could have profound and lasting implications for the bilateral relationship with a key NATO ally. Vladimir Putin and Trump are therefore likely to look for an opportunity to meet in the coming weeks or months.
The first request from Moscow will be sanctions relief, since sanctions have been sapping the Russian economy for years. In return, Putin will no doubt promise more help in fighting the Islamic State, the one thing Trump repeatedly said he was seeking while he was on the campaign trail.
But Trump and his team should proceed with caution and look for actual changes in Russian actions before delivering anything resembling sanctions relief. Putin has made many promises in Syria, some of which have only lasted a few hours. Putin also knows that unraveling sanctions is relatively easy but imposing them can take months, sometimes years, of negotiations.
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That is why any potential grand bargain with the Russians must be accompanied with clearly articulated, verifiable milestones that would need to be met before the United States would even consider lifting sanctions. There are probably no more important early muscle movements for a new administration than setting up its National Security Council NSC process.
Process imposes accountability and transparency on departments and agencies. It tees up credible policy options for the president, and connects decisions to implementation. And most importantly, it helps protect the president from making major unforced errors. Hopefully, Trump has his Presidential Policy Directive-1 or whatever he chooses to call it ready to go. It should communicate to the government how he will make major national security decisions. Beyond process, make sure to set a good command climate with and among the Cabinet and NSC staff. National security is a team sport occasionally a blood sport.
Finally, Trump needs to trust the many agency and department detailees that he has inherited — they are the cream of the crop from across the U. They are patriots, not partisans. The president will need to decide how he intends to use his NSC staff — advisors, facilitators, implementers … or all of the above? Process and command culture, however, are. If the Trump administration wants to get tougher on China, it will need friends in Asia more than ever. The United States needs strong diplomatic and military relationships with countries like Japan, South Korea, and Australia to be able to serve as a guarantor of stability in the region.
Contrary to concerns that allies are not pulling their weight, Japan and South Korea host, and largely pay for, large U. Australia and Singapore also host U. The Trump administration may focus on getting tougher on China, but if relationships with the other countries in Asia are left to languish, some of them may feel they have no choice but to get closer to Beijing just when the United States needs them the most.
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Incoming U. Secretary General Antonio Guterres addresses U. Antonio Guterres could be the best U. He certainly offers the best chance in a long time to implement the U. Guterres is an adept diplomat and politician, and he knows the U. He has set out plans for serious changes early in his tenure, on things the United States cares about, like updating a sclerotic personnel system, reforming the sprawling development architecture, and appointing more women throughout the U. He flew to Geneva in his first weeks in office to take part in Cyprus talks, and wants to be more involved on tough issues like Syria and protecting human rights, civil society, and people around the world.
If instead he gets an antagonist, we will have squandered a unique opportunity. My advice is this: Trump needs to tell his ambassador to the U. The Trump administration — like every administration — should expect to get bushwhacked by legions of crises it never anticipated. So the most important thing the Trump team can do is to take crisis preparation and management seriously — and that means taking process seriously. Establish clear lines of authority and responsibility in the interagency.
Figure out which department or agency has the lead in responding to various potential crises.
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Create procedures for ensuring internal unity and discipline with respect to communications and strategic messaging. Do some crisis contingency planning now, to get a sense of what the pressures and options might look like when, say, Putin escalates in Ukraine. Get the U. When that a. Some of this was policy. They hated the Iran nuclear agreement, disagreed with our approach to Egypt, and wanted the United States to intervene in Syria. But much was personality and worldview. While Obama saw the world in gray, nuanced terms, many Middle Eastern leaders saw it in a much starker black and white.
Trump should have a much easier time relating to these leaders, which creates an opportunity similar to the one Obama had with many U. But it requires Trump and his team to be smart. What our Middle Eastern partners value above all else is stability. So the Trump administration should not upend the Iran nuclear deal — an agreement that U. And it should not move the American embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, creating potential political and security headaches that no one in the region needs. And if the administration pursues a negotiated outcome in Syria, the United States should bargain hard and ensure there is no perception that Trump simply sold out the region to Russia and Iran.
Nuclear policy decisions — from maintaining the U. The United States has longstanding and proven tools with which to address some of these challenges. These tools have been effective in protecting the country and its allies for many years: arms control agreements, sanctions, deterrence, reassurance, and when needed, military force. All of these tools have their place, but the balance in using them is a challenge, and new tools must be developed to deal with the new challenges posed by proliferation.
Nuclear security cooperation is the only way we can prevent the global threat of nuclear terrorism. Arms control cannot prevent cheating by Russia, but it can be used to rally U. All of these tools rely on experts throughout the U. We need all the help we can get in preserving the global norm of nuclear weapons never being used again.
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The consequences of failure are too great. A window poster of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, with the slogan reading ''One nation, one flag, one government, one homeland,'' in Istanbul on Jan. Turkey feels besieged by internal and external threats, for which it blames the United States. The Turks will ask you to do two things during your early weeks in office: extradite Fetullah Gulen and stop working with the Kurds in Syria.