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Without any communication or withdrawal lines, the area was essentially cut off from the rest of Peru. The Bolivians had come to join the Peruvian forces under command of Juan Buendia. The allied forces were deployed to the places where a Chilean landing could be expected; the Iquique-Pisagua or Arica-Tacna regions.

There were reserves stationed at Arequipa further north in Peru, under Lizardo Montero, as well as in southern Bolivia, under Narciso Campero [Notes 2] The reserves were to be deployed to the coast after a landing, but they never arrived. The occupation of Arequipa and Puno, at the end of the war, saw little military action. After neutralizing the coastal batteries, the Chileans landed and attacked beach defenses in Pisagua. In the event of a Chilean landing, the allied forces planned to counter-attack the Chilean forces in a pincer movement involving advances from the north Daza's forces coming from Arica and from the south Buendia's forces coming from Iquique.

The Chileans, meanwhile, marched towards Iquique and on November 19, , defeated the allied troops absent Daza's men gathered in Agua Santa in the Battle of San Francisco and Dolores. Disbanded Bolivian forces present at the time with the southern force retreated to Oruro , whilst the Peruvians fell back to Tiliviche.

Consequently, the Peruvians retreated north through harsh desert terrain to Arica , losing many troops during the withdrawal. Public discontent with the wrong decisions led to riots and the government had to replace the "sclerotics" [99] chief of the navy Juan Williams Rebolledo by Galvarino Riveros , and the Chief of the army Justo Arteaga by Erasmo Escala.

Regarding her foreign policy, Chile tried to separate Bolivia from Peru. The initiated called such policy "to clear up Bolivia". After the occupation of the salpeter and guano deposits, the Chilean government restituted the "oficinas salitreras", that had been nationalized by Peru, to the owner of the certificate of debt. As provided by the secret treaty, the allies agreed in a "Protocol of Subsidies" that Bolivia had to bear the costs of the war.

The agreement, which bound the tax income for many years, caused resentments and fears in Bolivia, where the deployment of Bolivian forces to Tacna was seen as a help to Peru and, moreover, when they knew that the Bolivian army wouldn't be sent to free the occupied region of Bolivia but to protect Peru. As Daza and his officers came to Tacna and Arica, they didn't see the expected Peruvian military strength and they understood that their position of power in Bolivia was threatened by a defeat of the allied armies.

Bolivian historian Querejazu suggests that Daza used the Chilean offer of Tacna und Arica for Bolivia in order exert pressure on Peru to get a more favorable "Protocolo de Subsidios", which is what he got. Some historians say that he wanted to keep the "Regimiento Colorados", the force that secured his political power in Bolivia, untouched.

Daza later stated that his officers refused to continue the march through the desert, but his shameful withdrawal accelerated his downfall and he was succeeded by Narciso Campero. In the new government, there was a strong tendency to accept the Chilean offer of Tacna and Arica, but it was eventually refused and Bolivia signed the creation of the United States of Peru and Bolivia, a political fantasy without any practical consequences.

Bolivia helped Peru with money and weapons but the Bolivian army never again intervened in the war. In Peru, the political situation was complicated. President Prado had declared war on Chile for deep-seated economical and political reasons [62] but without the funds or international credit to finance the war.

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He turned over the administration of the state to vice-president Luis La Puerta de Mendoza in order to assume for himself the command of the army. Because of the Chilean blockade, Peru could not export revenue-making goods via its ports. As a consequence, public revenue was cut in half from what had been expected; meanwhile spending was tripled. The Peruvian government in experienced several political crisis and seven ministers of finance. The Peruvian government was confronted with widespread rioting in Lima because of its failures.

In a statement for the Peruvian newspaper El Comercio , he turned over the command of the country to vice president Luis La Puerta de Mendoza. History has condemned his departure as a desertion. Basadre considers his work an act of heroism, abnegation in a country invaded, politically divided, militarily battered and economically bloodless. Meanwhile, Chile continued its advances in the Tacna and Arica Campaign. On December 31, a Chilean force of men carried out an amphibious raid at Ilo as a reconnaissance in force , to the north of Tacna, withdrawing the same day. On February 24, , approximately 11, men in nineteen ships protected by Blanco Encalada , Toro , and Magallanes and two torpedo boats sailed from Pisagua.

The landing took several days to conclude, but faced no resistance. The Peruvian commander, Lizardo Montero, refused to try to drive the Chileans from the beachhead, as the Chileans had expected. These forces were under Campero's direct command. The need for a port near the army to supply and reinforce the troops and evacuate the wounded compelled the Chilean command to concentrate on the remaining Peruvian stronghold of Arica.

After the campaign of Tacna and Arica, the Peruvian and Bolivian regular armies largely ceased to exist, [] and Bolivia effectively left the war. To show Peru the futility of further resistance, on September 4, the Chilean government dispatched an expedition of 2, men [] to northern Peru under the command of Captain Patricio Lynch to collect war taxes from wealthy landowners.

On September 11, the Peruvian government decreed that payment was an act of treason , but most landowners still paid. Lynch's mission, which infuriated Lima, was allowed by international law at the time. Arica as a settlement was to be limited to commercial use only. Chile planned to retain the territories of Moquegua, Tacna, and Arica until all peace treaty conditions were satisfied.

Although willing to accept the negotiated settlement, Peru and Bolivia insisted that Chile withdraw its forces from all occupied lands as a precondition for discussing peace. Having captured this territory at great expense, Chile declined the terms and the negotiations failed. Bruce St. John states in Foreign Policy of Peru page : Peru attended only out of deference to the [USA government] latter, hoping a failure of the talks might lead to more aggressive US involvement.

However, nothing could convince the Peruvian government to sue for peace. The defeated allies not only failed to realize their situation but, despite the empty Bolivian treasury, on June 16, , the Bolivian National Assembly voted to continue the war. The Chilean government struggled to satisfy the public demands to end the war and to secure the peace. This situation forced the Chilean government to plan the occupation of Lima.

Once the size of the Chilean army was increased by 20, men to reach a strength of 41, [7] soldiers, deployed from the forts of the Arauco War to the outskirts of Lima, [7] the Chilean army began the campaign of Lima. Lacking the ships to transport all the troops at once from Arica, the Chileans decided to land first a division and then the rest of the army in stages. Their shortage of shipping also precluded an immediate landing at Lima.

On 19 November 8, men, twenty cannon and their supplies reached Pisco. A party of men was landed near the port and they learned that a 3, man Peruvian garrison defended Pisco. To avoid the fight required if a landing was to be made directly into the port, a Chilean vanguard was landed in Paracas, ten miles to the south. This force managed to capture Pisco and on November 20 the rest of the Chilean troops landed, later occupying various other nearby coastal cities, securing for the Chileans de facto control of the Peruvian province of Ica. On 2 December, 3, additional men and horses disembarked in Pisco.

Some two weeks later, on 15 December, 14, Chilean men, 2, horses and mules, plus supplies, departed Arica for the north.

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All other Chilean forces would be re embarked in Pisco for naval transport to Chilca. The Chilean troops disembarked in Curayaco, slightly north of Chilca, on 22 December It was hoped the Peruvian professional Army would defeat the Chileans in Chorrillos. If that measure failed, a reserve army, increased with remnants of Chorrillos and the Callao troops, were expected to hold the Chilean advance at Miraflores. The Peruvian forces numbered approximately 25, to 32, men and were titled the Army of Lima.

Gatling guns , artillery, covering forts and trenches located along the top of the steeply natural hills m in Morro Solar, m in Sta. Teresa und San Juan [] : and minefields around the roads to Lima crossing the hamlets of San Juan and Santa Teresa — settlements the Peruvians anticipated would be important targets of the Chilean attack — were all used by the Peruvian military. The second line of defense was less strong, consisting of 7 redoubts one every meters for infantry and artillery, that the Peruvians hoped would stop any Chilean offensive.

The Chilean General Staff had two alternative plans for their attack. Using this approach meant that Lima could be seized without resistance or both defense lines could be attacked from the rear. Vergara's plan avoided the bloody frontal attack, nullified all defense works, cut any Peruvian withdrawal line to the east into the formidable Andes and would have a demoralizing effect on the Peruvians. However, there were no steady roads for movement of Chilean artillery and baggage, no water, no support from the navy was possible and many bottlenecks — where a small force might stop the whole Chilean army either on the way to Lima, or if it had to withdraw — were a feature of this line of approach.

In addition, Vergara's plan required a well trained and disciplined army. Baquedano pushed and eventually succeeded in having his plan adopted. Chilean and Peruvian soldiers locked in hand-to-hand combat, attacking one another with rifles, bayonets, rocks and even their bare hands. At the beginning, Sotomayor was unable to deploy in time and Lynch's advance was repulsed.

Baquedano was forced to throw in reserve brigades to salvage Lynch's flank. At midday Morro Solar was captured and the battle continued into Chorrillos, which fell at hours 2pm. During the Battle of Chorrillos , the Chileans inflicted a harsh defeat on the regular Peruvian forces, eliminating Lima's first defensive line.

War of the Pacific

Two days later, the second line of defense was also penetrated in the Battle of Miraflores. According to Gonzalo Bulnes the battles of Chorrillos and Miraflores have been amongst the biggest in South America regarding the number of combatants, 45, in Chorrillos and 25, in Miraflores. The estimated death toll was 11, to 14, personnel, with a further 10, injured. A new Congress was elected on schedule in Argentina had declared itself neutral at the onset of the war, but it allowed the transport of weapons to the allies over Argentine territories, exerted influence on the US and European powers to stop the Chilean advance in the war, pleaded for monetary indemnification instead of cesion of territories to Chile and there was a strong drift in its public opinion in favor of Peru and Bolivia.

Moreover, there were Peruvian and Bolivian hopes that Argentina could change its stance and enter in a war against Chile. The situation in Bolivia didn't change after the fall of Lima.

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The Bolivian government lacked the money, men, weapons and the means to transport an army to Peru. The occupation commanders, first Manuel Baquedano, then Pedro Lagos and at last Patricio Lynch , sited their respective military headquarters in the Government Palace in Lima. The new Chilean administration continued to push for an end to the costly war. But contrary to expectations, neither Lima's capture nor the imposition of heavy taxes led Peru to sue for peace.

He was overthrown by the Chileans in September , but before his relegation to Chile he appointed Lizardo Montero Flores as successor. Chinese and black laborers took the opportunity to assault haciendas and the property of the rich in protest of the mistreatment they had suffered in previous years, Lima's masses attacked Chinese grocery stores, and Indian peasants took over highland haciendas. An additional problem for the Chileans was information collection in support of their expeditionary force. After many losses the expedition achieved very little and returned to Lima in early July, [] where Letelier and his officers were courts-martialed for diverting money into their own pockets.

Lynch's army suffered enormous hardships including cold temperatures, snow and mountain sickness. The Chileans had to pull back with a loss of soldiers: in combat, of disease and deserters. The Chilean troops pursued Caceres northwest through narrow mountain passes until July 10, , winning the definitive Battle of Huamachuco , the final Peruvian defeat. Lizardo Montero tried to resist in Arequipa with a force of 4, men, but when Chile's 3, fighters arrived from Mollendo, Moquegua and Ayacucho, and began the assault to Arequipa, the Peruvian troops mutinied against Montero and allowed the Chileans to occupy the city on 29 October Montero opted for Bolivian asylum.

The occupation of Ayacucho by Chilean Colonel Urriola on 1. Caceres continued to refuse the cession of territories to Chile []. Indian guerrillas fought "white men from all parties", looted towns and seized land of the white owners. Further, the agreement regulated the use of the guano and nitrate resources to repay Peru's debts. Chile was also to occupy the provinces of Tacna and Arica for 10 years, after which a plebiscite was to be held to determine nationality. For decades thereafter, the two countries failed to agree on the terms of the plebiscite.

In , Bolivia signed a truce, the Treaty of Valparaiso , whereby Bolivia accepted the military occupation of the entire Bolivian coast. In return, Chile agreed to build the Arica—La Paz railway , a railroad connecting the capital city of La Paz , Bolivia, with the port of Arica, and Chile guaranteed freedom of transit for Bolivian commerce through Chilean ports and territory. As the war began, the Peruvian Army numbered 5, men of all ranks, organized in seven infantry battalions , three squadrons of cavalry and two regiments of artillery.

The artillery, with a total of twenty-eight pieces, was composed mostly of British-made Blakely cannons and counted four machine guns. Much of the artillery dated from , and had been bought for the Chincha Islands War against Spain. The Bolivian Army numbered no more than 2, soldiers, divided into three infantry regiments, two cavalry squadrons, and two sections of artillery.

The artillery had rifled three pounders and four machine guns, while the cavalry rode mules given a shortage of good horses. The regular Chilean Army was well equipped, [] [] [] [] with 2, soldiers. The regular infantry was armed with the modern Belgian Comblain rifle , of which Chile had a stock of some 13, The artillery had seventy-five artillery pieces, most of which were of Krupp and Limache manufacture, and six machine guns.

The cavalry used French sabers and Spencer and Winchester carbines.

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Control of the sea was Chile's key to an inevitably difficult desert war: supply by sea, including water, food, ammunition, horses, fodder and reinforcements, was quicker and easier than marching supplies through the desert or across the Bolivian high plateau. While the Chilean Navy started an economic and military blockade of the Allies' ports, Peru took the initiative and used its smaller navy as a raiding force. After achieving naval supremacy, sea-mobile forces proved to be an advantage for desert warfare on the long coastline. Peruvian and Bolivian defenders found themselves hundreds of kilometers from home while Chilean forces were usually just a few kilometers from the sea.

Chileans employed an early form of amphibious warfare , that saw coordination of army, navy and specialized units. The first amphibious assault of this war took place as 2, Chilean troops successfully took Pisagua on 2 November Chilean Navy ships bombarded beach defenses for several hours at dawn, followed by open, oared boats landing Army infantry and sapper units into waist-deep water, under enemy fire.

An outnumbered first landing wave fought at the beach; the second and third waves in the following hours were able to overcome resistance and move inland. By the end of the day, an expeditionary army of 10, had disembarked at the captured port. Chile's military strategy emphasized preemption , offensive action, and combined arms. It was the first to mobilize and deploy its forces, taking the war immediately to Bolivian and Peruvian territories.

It adopted combined arms strategy, employing naval and ground forces to rout its allied foes and capture enemy territory. Chileans received the support of the Chinese coolies immigrants who had been enslaved by Peruvians, who joined the Chilean Army [] during the campaign of Lima and in the raids to the north Peruvian cities. Peru and Bolivia fought a defensive war maneuvering through long overland distances and relying where possible on land or coastal fortifications with gun batteries and minefields.

Coastal railways reached to central Peru and telegraph lines provided a direct line to the government in Lima. The occupation of Peru between and took a different form. The war theater was the Peruvian Sierra , where the remains of the Peruvian Army had easy access to population, resource and supply centers far from the sea; supporting an indefinite war of attrition. The occupying Chilean force was split into small garrisons across the theater and could devote only part of its strength to hunting down dispersed pockets of resistance and the last Peruvian forces in the Sierra. After a costly occupation and prolonged counterinsurgency campaign, Chile sought a diplomatic exit.

Rifts within Peruvian society and Peruvian defeat in the Battle of Huamachuco resulted in the peace treaty that ended the occupation. Both sides employed late 19th-century military technology, such as breech-loading rifles and cannons, remote-controlled land mines , armor-piercing shells, naval torpedoes , torpedo boats , and purpose-built landing craft. The second generation of ironclads i. That was significant for a conflict where no major power was involved, and attracted British, French, and U. She never saw action, and was scuttled at the end to prevent her capture. Mahan formulated his concept of sea power while reading history in a British gentlemen's club in Lima, Peru.

Lima was not connected by cable to Panama, the southernmost post of the North American cable network. The last route to La Paz was per horse or foot. Tupiza is located at the border to Argentina and was connected to Buenos Aires via telegraph. The disruption of maritime trade routes and the unavailability of submarine telegraph cables from and in the war zone presented special problems for the press coverage of the war.

On the other hand, the west coast was important for investors, farmers, manufacturers, and government officials because of their financial commitments. Hence, The Times of London as well as The New York Times covered the events of the war as much as possible, albeit in the absence of their own correspondents. Information was culled from Government representatives in Europe and the US, from merchant houses and Lloyd's of London, from articles printed in the Panama Star and Herald and also from Reuters.

The result was a mix of brief telegraphic dispatches a few days old from cities with cable stations, along with lengthier but older reports carried by steamships to London or New York. It wasn't until 17 June that The Times was able to provide a reasonably accurate version of the battle.

The three nations claimed to adhere to the Geneva Red Cross Convention to protect the war wounded, prisoners, refugees, civilians, and other non-combatants. At the onset of the war 30, [] Chileans were expelled from Peru within 8 days and Bolivia within 10 days and their property confiscated; most of them had to shelter in the camps, boats and pontoons of the Peruvian ports until they were transported by ship to Antofagasta.

It is calculated that 7, [] of the refugees from Peru enlisted in the Chilean battalions and their resentfulness would later influence the war. Both sides complained that the other side had killed wounded soldiers after the battle, citing eyewitness accounts. Beside the Peruvian-Chilean slaughter in the irregular war after the occupation of Lima, an ethnic and social conflict was simmering in Peru between the indigenous [] peoples and Chinese coolies who had been enslaved by Peru's white criollo and mestizo upper class.

Only the Peruvian army could forcibly suppress the revolt. There were also inter-ethnic tensions under blacks and coolies. The British historian B. Farcau states: "Contrary to the concept of the 'merchants of death,' the arms manufacturers of Europe and the United States conniving to keep alive the conflict, from which they had earned some welcome sales of their merchandise, the most influential foreign businessmen and their respective consuls and embassadors were the traders in nitrate and the holders of the growing stacks of debts of all the belligerents.

They were all aware that the only way they could hope to receive payment on their loans and earn the profits from the nitrate business was to see the war ended and trade resumed on a normal footing without legal disputes over ownership of the resources of the region hanging over their heads. Nonethelesses, belligerents were able to purchase torpedo boats , arms and munitions abroad and to circumvent ambiguous neutrality laws, and firms like Baring Brothers in London were not averse to dealing with both Chile and Peru. Weapons offloaded on the Caribbean coast of Panama were sent overland to the Pacific coast by the isthmus railway.

The Chilean consul in Panama persistently protested against this trade citing a Chile—Colombia agreement of that prohibited Colombia from providing war supplies to Chile's enemies. Christiancy , US Minister in Peru, organized the USS Lackwanna conference, which ultimately failed as none of the belligerents was ready to negotiate their pretensions.

Earlier, Christiancy had written to the USA that Peru should be annexed for a period of ten years, then admitted in the Union to provide the United States with access to the rich markets of South America. Blaine was a proponent of an assertive role for the US in the War of the Pacific [] : 43 ostensibly regarding the interests of promoting US ownership of nitrate and guano concesions. For example, the US " Levi P. Beside the economic plans, Stephen A. Blaine then dispatched William H. Trescot in a mission to Chile to establish that problems would be resolved through arbitration and acts of war would not justify territorial seizures.

Arthur to the presidency, Blaine was replaced by Frederik T. Frelinghuysen as secretary of state. Frelinghuysen thought that the USA was in no position to back Blaine's policy and recalled the Trescot mission. Kenneth D. Lehmann states about the USA policy:. Regarding a British intervention in the war, the British marxist historian Victor Kiernan states: "It should be emphasized that the Foreign Office never at any time contemplated any kind of active intervention.

It was especially scrupulous in seeing to it that no warships were smuggled out for sale to either side, for it was in mortal dread of another Alabama Award. The case of looting and war reparations done by Chilean occupation forces in Peru has caused controversy between historians: being overlooked in Chile and as a source of anti-Chilean sentiment in Peru. The Chilean historian Milton Godoy Orellana [] distinguishes four events: 1 Looting after the battle of Chorrillos y Miraflores 2 Looting by Peruvians in Lima before the Chilean troops entered the city 3 The Chilean destruction of locomotives, rails, printing machines, weapons, etc.

The Chilean government tried to control it through the "Oficina Recaudadora de las Contribuciones de Guerra" whose tasks were: to inventory, to realize the "confiscation", to record and to confirm the transport to Chile, the destination, and the sender. Allegedly, the strategic purposes were to obtain the peace. There is no general list of the looted goods, but many of the shipments were registered in private and official letters, newspaper articles, manifests, etc. The development of international law regarding the protection of cultural objects evolved over the 19th and 20th centuries, but the idea of protecting cultural assets first emerged in Europe during the 18th century.

In any case, in late March , the part of the books arrived to Chile and the press began to inform and discuss about the legitimacy of looting oil paintings, books, statues, etc. Deputy Montt asked the devolution of the assets and was supported by deputies McClure and Puelma. The minister vowed to impede further exactions and to repatriate the objects mentioned in the discussion.

Apparently he did it, because the shipments stopped and the mentioned statues are not any more in that place. Villalobos asserts that "There was no justification for the theft". Another issue was the damage due to acts of war on properties owned by citizens of neutral countries.

In , the Tribunales Arbitrales were constituted with a Chilean judge, a judge named by the country of the claimant, and a Brazilian judge, to deal with the claims of citizens from Great Britain claims , Italy claims and France 89 claims. A tribunal was established in for German citizens. The "Italian" tribunal also dealt with Belgian citizens and the "German" tribunal acted for Austrian and Swiss citizens. Spaniards accepted the decision of the Chilean state without tribunal assistance and the USA did not agree at that time. According to international law, animus manendi claims by foreign citizens could only be made if the damaged property had been in an actual battleground among others: Arica, Chorrillos and Miraflores; Pisagua and Tacna were in a similar situation , while damages caused by individual or scattered soldiers were dismissed.

Only 3. According to Villalobos, the verdicts prove that the accusations against the Chilean forces were exaggerated by Peruvians because of wounded pride and by foreign citizens because of monetary interests. The war had a profound and long lasting effect on the societies of the involved countries. The peace negotiations continued until , but the war was over in for all practical purposes. Media related to War of the Pacific at Wikimedia Commons.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the 19th-century war between Bolivia, Chile and Peru. Peru and Bolivia in Pacific coast of South America. Litoral Department Antofagasta ceded by Bolivia to Chile in War of the Pacific. Further information: Boundary Treaty of between Chile and Bolivia. Main article: Secret treaty of alliance between Peru and Bolivia of Main article: Boundary Treaty of between Chile and Bolivia.

This section may lend undue weight to certain ideas, incidents, or controversies.

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Miguel Iglesias , later President of Peru. His son Alejandro was killed during the Battle of Miraflores. Main article: Peruvian Saltpeter Monopoly. This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. See also: Expulsion of Chileans from Bolivia and Peru in Main article: Naval Campaign of the War of the Pacific. Play media. Main article: Land Campaign of the War of the Pacific.

Main article: Tacna and Arica Campaign. See also: Boundary Treaty of between Chile and Argentina ; Occupation of Lima ; Chilean presidential election, ; and Mapuche uprising of Further information: Battle of Sangra. Treaty of Valparaiso. Main article: Consequences of the War of the Pacific. It never entered the Bolivian Litoral but later fought in the Battle of Tacna. Querejazu states that its wandering in Potosi and Oruro was a prove that Daza had been bribed by Chile. The greek names were a legend to conceal their real destination.

Cooks often use canned milks to create the delectable dessert base. To get the best manjar blanca, use fresh milk. Cook very slowly until the milk begins to turn thick. The recipe also calls for eggs, so it is not necessary to have the dulce too thick as the eggs with add in the thickening. The meringue is best made with very fresh eggs. The whites whip up much thicker and higher.

For the video, I used eggs bought in a local supermarket, but they were not as fresh as the ones I had gathered that morning from my chickens. I have made allowances for less fresh eggs by adding a couple of more egg whites to the meringue. Egg whites whip up best at room temperature. If your eggs have come straight from the fridge, put them in warm water for about 10 min to take off the chill before you crack them.

Using Pisco instead of port was also a decision. I did find recipes that used Pisco, and I liked the idea. Add the milks to a heavy saucepan. Put on a slow burner — low heat. Let simmer being careful not to break the cream. Separate egg yolks and place into a bowl. Whip them until they are lemon yellow. Once fully mixed, add the eggs and milk back to the hot pan slowly again, all the while whisking rapidly. The mixture should thicken and form a smooth caramel. Strain through a fine mesh strainer into a bowl and chill. For the meringue, place the pisco and sugar in a sauce pan.

Bring to a boil. Add water till there are no more visible sugar crystals in the bottom of the pan there may be a few along the sides, you do not need to wash these down. While doing this, whip the egg whites until soft peaks form. Add cream of tartar.