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Nov 05, PM. But they reacted with hasty and, in some ways, sloppy judicial opinions. They issued broad injunctions unsupported by the underlying legal analysis. They seemed to extend constitutional protections to noncitizens who lacked any connection to the United States. The judges had many avenues to rule against Trump on many issues, especially with regard to the first order. They had plenty of reasons to be angry or defensive because of his tweeted attacks.
But they neglected principles of restraint, prudence, and precedent to rule against him across the board based on what seemed to many a tacit determination that the just-elected president lacked legitimacy on immigration issues. If judges were to continue such behavior for four or eight years, judicial norms and trust in the judiciary might take a serious hit.
Federal judges sit in a hierarchical system with the Supreme Court at the top. The nine justices rarely agree on any issue of importance. But they unanimously ruled that, at a minimum, the lower-court injunctions were too broad and had failed to take his national-security prerogatives seriously enough. The Court did not indicate how it will ultimately rule. But its sober, respectful, low-temperature opinion sent a strong signal about the importance of judicial detachment.
For this reason, the judiciary has a fighting chance to return to normal patterns. The same cannot be said of the norms that govern the news media. Journalistic practices, of course, were already evolving as a result of social media, the decentralization of news production, and changing financial models. But Trump has had a distinct effect.
Will Donald Trump Destroy the Presidency?
The vast majority of elite journalists have a progressive outlook, which influences what gets covered, and how, in ways that many Americans, especially outside of big cities, find deeply biased. And they were shocked when the strategy worked. After the election, news organizations devoted more resources than ever to White House coverage, and they have produced exceptional in-depth reporting that has been integral to the constitutional checks on the presidency.
Reporting on a flagrantly norm-breaking president produces a novel conundrum, however. Many Trump critics insist that his behavior justifies this level of adverse scrutiny. But even if that is true, the overall effect can make the press seem heavily biased and out to get Trump. Either way, Trump in some sense wins. The appearance problem that Rutenberg described is real. But it is also true that many reporters covering Trump have overreacted and exaggerated and interjected opinion into their stories more than usual.
So, too, do other changes in the norms of covering the president. Many journalists let their hair down on Twitter with opinionated anti-Trump barbs that reveal predispositions and shape the way readers view their reporting. And news outlets have at times seemed to cast themselves as part of the resistance to Trump, and seen their revenues soar. Just as Trump drew energy and numbers on the campaign trail from the excessive coverage of his norm-busting behavior, the news media seem to draw energy and numbers from their own norm-busting behavior.
But while Trumpism has been good for the media business, it has not been good for overall media credibility. Trump is not just discrediting the mainstream news, but quickening changes in right-wing media as well. Fox News Channel always leaned right, but in the past year several of its programs have become open propaganda arms for Trump. And sharply partisan outlets like Breitbart News and The Daily Caller have grown in influence among conservatives. The media have every incentive to continue on their current trajectories.
Many on the right increasingly agree with a point Ron Unz, the influential former publisher of The American Conservative , made in a memo last year. His assault on those institutions, and the defiant reactions to his assault, will further diminish that trust and make it yet harder to resolve social and political disputes. The breakdown in institutions mirrors the breakdown in social cohesion among citizens that was also a major cause of Trumpism, and that Trumpism has churned further.
This is perhaps the worst news of all for our democracy. To that depressing conclusion I will add another. But it is conceivable that he will turn things around—for example, by pulling off tax and infrastructure reform and putting Kim Jong Un in a box—and win the election, perhaps in a three-way race. If Trump succeeds and makes it to a second term, his norm-breaking will be seen to serve the presidency more than it does today.
If that happens, the office will be forever changed, and not for the better. The second assumption is that the country is fundamentally stable. But what if the economy collapses, or the country faces a major domestic terrorist attack or even nuclear war? What if Mueller finds evidence that Trump colluded with the Russians—and Trump fires not just Mueller but also scores of others in the Justice Department, and pardons himself and everyone else involved? These are not crazy possibilities.
The Constitution has held thus far and might continue to do so under more-extreme circumstances. But it also might not. A dangerous trend in fake news has the potential to affect the upcoming U. The White House insisted allegations that it wanted to add a citizenship question to the survey for political reasons were conspiracy theories, right up until the moment the president confirmed them.
The conservative justices on the Supreme Court apparently found this argument very persuasive. The evidence that the Trump administration had consciously sought to use the census to strengthen white voting power was ultimately not a part of the case before the Court, which came down to whether the Trump administration had violated administrative law by misrepresenting its motives in adding the citizenship question. No one! Reed is partially right; for many evangelical Christians, there is no political figure whom they have loved more than Donald Trump.
He spoke to me on the condition of anonymity, so as to avoid personal or professional repercussions. He had interviewed scores of people, many of them evangelical Christians. Wronged by Mueller, wronged by the media, wronged by the anti-Trump forces. A passionate belief that he never gets credit for anything. The return of a vanquished disease reflects historical amnesia, declining faith in institutions, and a troubling lack of concern for the public good.
She also suggested that disease itself can serve as a metaphor—a reflection of the society through which it travels. For instance, AIDS would not have ravaged America as fully as it did without institutionalized homophobia, which inclined many Americans to see the disease as retribution for gay sex.
Two decades ago, measles was declared eliminated in the U. Yet in the first five months of this year, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recorded 1, cases—more than occurred from to Five years ago, the flight vanished into the Indian Ocean. Officials on land know more about why than they dare to say. At a. The designator for Malaysia Airlines is MH. The flight number was Fariq Hamid, the first officer, was flying the airplane. He was 27 years old. This May Be a Solution. In New York, Bill de Blasio won a landslide election that similarly saw the lowest voter turnout since at least the s.
In , an average of Turnout for primary and general local elections fluctuate from year to year, but long-term trends in many larger cities suggest voter interest has waned. Recent research published by a UC San Diego professor found such elections contribute to poorer outcomes for minorities, including uneven prioritization of public spending. Long ago, political machines routinely mobilized a healthy cadre of big city voters with often predictable results. Later, during the s and 70s, more than two-thirds of registered voters cast ballots in New York, Los Angeles and elsewhere when power shifted to racial and ethnic minorities.
Of all proposals to boost voter turnout, moving the election date to coincide with state or federal elections has, by far, the greatest effect. Even-year elections can also save taxpayers money. The top concern often cited is that local races receive less voter and media attention when they appear on crowded ballots. Holding elections in off-years also allows elections offices to try out new procedures and better train staff.