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Perhaps it is no coincidence that the Armed Services are about the most socialistic of American institutions. Maybe this is why the G. Note the progressive triumphs such as the hour work week, laws prohibiting certain aspects of child labor, and compulsory schooling, and it all seems pretty laudable.

Missed, even. Neo-liberalism , for example. Free-market liberals. Indeed, for many years — centuries — government was monarchical and tyrannical and selfish and dangerous. We fought a revolutionary war against the overweening Parliament in England, and the idea that government was to be our servant, not our master, took a little getting used to.

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Of course, progressives would retort that conservatives were in bed with big business interests who had even less reason to serve the people than do elected representatives. Many victims of unbridled capitalism and this austere industrialization needed help. Due to anti-unionization efforts and the laws and enormous power of the owning class, the only entity that could conceivably marshal the resources to provide solace and succor was government — elected representatives who were supposed to be serving the best interests of the populace. Then, as now. Stoler discusses Herbert Croly , a significant leader in the original Progressive movement.

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I would also point to Eugene Debs and the aforementioned Robert Lafollette. Ever since its appearance, this work has been read as perhaps the single most emblematic statement of the Progressive liberal political aspiration. This one work catapulted Croly into the first ranks of leftist intellectuals, where he has remained ever since. They adapt their lives and habits to their money, not their money to their lives.

It preoccupies their thoughts, creates artificial needs, and draws a curtain between them and the world. We are talking about nationalization and centralization. I would note, though, that progressive taxation, ingenious laws to restructure the business-society relationship, and regulations to curb corporate excesses and the power of the wealthy to dominate social institutions, are tried-and-true stances that fall well short of measures such as state ownership of too many services and means of production.

Gar Alperovitz is a bit skeptical of progressive taxation and wealth redistribution as means to bring about real change in the U. It only invites lackadaisical participation in the economy, as it did in Soviet Russia. We want business to struggle mightily to out-compete others similar businesses — competition — and to place limitations on it. Like a referee. Indeed, corporations can pool resources and limit some liability, and that is a good thing.

Professor Stoler points out that conservatives were borne of this Rooseveltian approach to government, and that it retained some of the fear of government power that its predecessors did. That is the difference between a demagogue and a statesman. If liberals envision a strong central government to be an elected and manageable bulwark against corporate and plutocratic power, modern neoliberals and rightist populists would place power in the hands of a strongman, trusting that big business will be kept at bay.

I believe Bernie when he said he would break up big banks and other true-blue, progressive ideas. I want you to go into your hearts, how can we talk about morality, about justice, when we turn our backs on the children of our country? There is a distinct difference between the power placed in the hands of social-democratic governments such as Germany and Norway, New Zealand and Canada, and the far-right one here in the United States.

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Republicans authored the first federal antitrust law, the Sherman Act, in War, infrastructural problems, and the revolving door between business and government are woeful developments in America. With inadequate health insurance, a diminishing social safety net, and longer hours for stagnating pay — while we go further into debt — we are far afield we are from our peers in other industrialized democracies.

I have been consistently disappointed by politicians since. I have been consistently disappointed by politicians since , when I first began watching them court big business dollars and eschew their mandate. Progressives have made some strides — gay rights have been surprisingly quick in coming, as have eased prohibitions against marijuana usage. But for the most part, they have been on the ropes as the GOP outmaneuvered the Dems and the latter shot itself in the foot by spurning labor in favor of business interests.

In fact, I lamented that the U. It is shocking. As this list shows, other treaties and agreements the U. It seems well-intentioned, but much less welcome than economic types of intervention in the natural state of affairs. In other words, many modern liberals would feel that pursuing legislation that supposedly brings about greater morality in society is much more suspect than, say, making a minimum wage law, or reducing environmental pollution by industry, cars, and cows.

I feel like laws outlawing 2nd-trimester abortion rights is more indicative of unauthorized government power than is the government leaning on pharmaceutical companies, creating a Medicare for All option, or even nationalizing the insurance industry. That seems to be a fundamental difference between modern liberals and conservatives. If one had to pick a word that characterized the difference between the kind of power conservatives see the government having, and that which liberals do, it would be: money.

Big business today is in many ways more centralized and destructive of competition than it was years ago. Big government has in many ways failed as well. And overall, today, whether rightly or wrongly, big government seems worse than the problems it originally grew to address. Stoler remarks that oddly, progressive reforms coincided with a decrease in the percentage of Americans who vote, rather than the other way around. Stoler also points out that oddly, progressive reforms coincided with a decrease in the percentage of Americans who vote, rather than the other way around.

Eugenics and the racism of the late 19th and early 20th centuries are illegitimate goals nowadays, just as the anti-immigrant platform of the modern Right and the continuing drug war and Middle East wars are not particularly welcomed by liberals. Thus, progressives can make common cause with libertarians on some issues. We also should remember the great debt we have to the social reformers, the labor activists, the ant-war intelligentsia e.

One of the main strains of similarity involves the emphasis on a responsive, responsible, manageable, powerful government. This is the Paris of the war machine, a Paris that exists beyond State control, and indeed is foreign to it.

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It then becomes something of a free radical in the body of the socius. The war machine as it is running in nineteenth century Paris moreover will find a vastly more destructive motor in Berlin in the s when it masters a manoeuvre to take over the State. From to , a period in which no war was officially fought by Germans, the Freikorps, a renegade fighting force hired by the German government waged an underground campaign to purge Communism from the national political scene, specifically by targeting the leftist working classes for annihilation. In line with these developments was a rise in political interest toward the rightist working classes, a crowd Chief Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels, was particularly fond of stirring up fifty years onward.

This will have great implications for the way Baudelaire is able to circulate amongst the masses, and in particular in the poem A Une Passante, to isolate one so fiercely from the others as an object of his concentrated effort. Baudelaire is then able in some way to install his desire into the vessel of the passerby, without her conscious recognition. He is able to then spread himself through the Crowd Benjamin This comes into play when Baudelaire was accused of being a Belgian police spy.

He goes to great lengths to contest this publicly. This notion of spreading also points the way toward contagion, which is known to happen in cities on an epidemic scale. Therein the man in the crowd is for the first time endowed with death-dealing force, insofar as he is able to infect others, and thus be the cause of widespread death. His behaviour is suspect and must be called to order, usually at the hands of the police or other civic authorities. Baudelaire as the consummate voyou attempts to make the streets of Paris the domain of his alternative republic.

In an attempt to establish his own voyoucracy he populates his substitute social order with the likes of the crime world or underworld, casting about him on all sides his dubious character, until he finally attracts to him a milieu comprised of rebels, agitators, insurgents, and indeed revolutionaries. To establish his aims he relies on the corrupting power of the street, an illegal and outlaw power that brings together the voyoucratic regime, and thus into a more organised and less clandestine form, into a virtual state, all those who represent a principle of disorder — a principle not of anarchic chaos but of structured disorder, so to speak, of plotting and conspiracy, or premeditated offensiveness or offences against the public order Derrida, These salacious gestures of revelation captivate his admirers, compelling them forth to perform the most reckless acts of civil disobedience in the name of conspiratorial allegiance.

The lambs he preys upon for his sustenance are the plebeian masses. As members of his constituency they are far from innocent. Their fundamental desire to comply with the law helps to enact the reasons of the wolf. Goebbels as a new breed of provocateur was capable of achieving far greater scope and velocity than anything Baudelaire could dream up in his call to popular demise. Through the infectious rhetoric of National Socialism, he would succeed in attracting the mass of unemployed, demobilised soldiers without an occupation after World War I and induce them into a novel function: one of determined movement.

For a heretofore aimless body of men the proposition was readily adopted. Of course this language was first assembled alongside the birth of the citizen, and its greatest display in revolutionary movements. This is rather the law made natural, the law of man. I am fairly certain that Baudelaire would be happy to use this as a justification for his pursuit of the passerby. Baudelaire of course is a cultural product of this revolution. Indeed the goal of fascist propaganda was the spread of asemic violence, insofar as its commanding officers were determined to leave no logocentric traces, only mnemonic codes in the minds of listeners.

Perhaps Baudelaire was writing instead for the audio-visual age. An age perhaps where violence could be readily and popularly distributed, and media would become truly pathogenic, as Baudelaire believed was the case with the feuilleton section of the newspaper. The outcomes of such stirrings are not born out by rhetoric, but rather by the streets. This gets the war machine heated up. It is that same humour which will bring about the revolution of fascism. It is literally about laughing oneself to death. It is a similar insight that informs Brecht's politics.

Three months before Hitler's assumption of power, for anyone who watched such a spectacle with detachment this was a true prelude of what was to come. Who but the forcibly alienated German Jews, exiled by the ever deterritorializing Nazi regime, are ostensibly bound to travel along its periphery, holding on by a hand or a foot to the centre of a culture they believe is still theirs.

Theirs was a culture which for over twenty years generated such a black hole within State operations, within its citizenry functioning that no one could remember who they were before the time of war. The crisis did not date from the sudden, personal disaster of enforced emigration: the bourgeois humanist heritage was long since shattered. By tracking the movements of this phenomenon in diarist form, beginning with Moscow Benjamin meets some of the demands of creaturality in reading that totalitarianism requires. During his stay in Moscow Benjamin picked up the technique of being on outsider in your own culture through his association with Asja Lacis.

At first he understood her as more of an aspiring cultural engineer, later he would see her transform herself before his eyes into a domineering body, so as to better integrate herself with the climate of Soviet socialism.

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These were profound lessons on the adaptability of those who remained at once ensconced within society and yet profoundly vulnerable to it. In the essay On the Concept of History written during the winter and spring of Benjamin delivers a lethal judgment on the Communist principle of unmitigated social progress Benjamin Whilst this judgment is ostensibly directed at the Social Democrats, his true vitriol is reserved for the Communists.

Benjamin asserts that Marxism recognises only progress in the mastery of nature, not the retrogression of society it already displays in the technocratic features that later emerge in fascism. Among these is a conception of nature which differs ominously from the one advocated by socialist utopians prior to the revolution of It is this feature of progress called upon by modern forms of government that make of the ordinary citizen a grotesque sport of nature.

At this time in history man, as a species, is hunted and held captive in ever more complex, subtle and complicit ways by the powers-that-be that have meticulously cultivated him. He is promised his own monarchy, his own sovereign freedom, though at a cost. The price is control of his movement and the valuation of his very life. What in the popular vernacular of Paris was referred to as le citoyen, sports a similar type of function to the fascist brown shirt, those masses deemed worthy to act at the forefront of revolution. From the time of his inception le citoyen began to emerge as an increasingly annexed figure, his person compartmentalised from without as well as within.

This banner transfigured mass existence. Baudelaire prefigured himself as the hero who at once guarded this threshold, separating the individual from the crowd and, at the same time sought to provide refuge through comprising the boundaries of the two forms. What he fails to mention explicitly is the marriage that preceded this arrangement, wherein it is necessary to firstly court death itself.

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Foucault, in his work on disciplinary societies traces this trajectory of enclosure starting with the family, then the school, then the barracks, the factory, the hospital and even the prison Deleuze, 3. Their present will later come to materialise into a culture of street fighting known as the barricades, which came to its close with the fall of the Paris Commune:. The fact that the workers who had trained in barricade fighting, did not favour the open battle … which was partially to blame for the defeat.

These workers preferred battle in their own quarters to an encounter with the open field … and if it had to be, they preferred to die behind a barricade built of stones from a Paris street Benjamin, 6. This takes place both in and outside himself, through commerce with such individuals as the prostitute, the addict and the gambler, the unemployed soldier, all of whom operate outside of the productive economies of segmentation and centralization key to the enclosure of individuals under a disciplinary regime of power.

In order to do this however it must manipulate certain economies of its own, namely private interest. When applied subsequently to Fascism, the picture becomes monstrous indeed. The potential for invasion is constant, and those not infiltrated in fact become the eventual victims, firstly of non-recognition, and secondly of over-exposure as aberrations to the mass.

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  • This comes at a time when suicide became familiar to the working masses. At this time suicide was taking on its own social formations in the Jewish community in Vienna. The gas consumption resulted in losses for the gas company, since it was precisely the biggest users who did not pay their bills. Ironically, there is a degree of heroism in this brand of suicide as well, insofar as it registers a protest against the cruel convergence of a failing national economy with the expiration of its citizenry.

    Heroism can be garnered from this circumstance insofar that one is making a choice to perish, rather than have the will of others toward your demise imposed upon you. In this instance killing yourself is the alternative to being made to pay to foster an economy of death that is on the rise, one that will get around to you eventually. Few believed that the Nazi regime would be short-lived, and still fewer held out hope that any of its targeted groups would survive to see its end.

    To survive was to make oneself exceptional, and to live out such an exceptional status was akin to becoming a lone sheep in a pack of wolves. One is as good as dead.